Celtic Myth and Legend Poetry and Romance
by Charles Squire
SURVIVALS OF THE CELTIC PAGANISM
CHAPTER XXV
SURVIVALS OF THE CELTIC PAGANISM INTO MODERN TIMES
The fall of the Celtic state worship began earlier in Britain than in her sister island. Neither was it Christianity that struck the first blow, but the rough humanity and stern justice of the Romans. That people was more tolerant, perhaps, than any the world has ever known towards the religions of others, and gladly welcomed the Celtic gods--as gods--into its own diverse Pantheon. A friendly Gaulish or British divinity might at any time be granted the so-to-speak divine Roman citizenship, and be assimilated to Jupiter, to Mars, to Apollo, or to any other properly accredited deity whom the Romans deemed him to resemble. It was not against the god, but against his worship at the hands of his priests, that Roman law struck. The colossal human sacrifices of the druids horrified even a people who were far from squeamish about a little bloodshed. They themselves had abolished such practices by a decree of the senate before Caesar first invaded Britain,1 and could not therefore permit within their empire a cult which slaughtered men in order to draw omens from their death-agonies.2 Druidism was first required to be renounced by those who claimed Roman citizenship; then it was vigorously put down among the less civilized tribes. Tacitus tells us how the Island of Mona (Anglesey)--the great stronghold of druidism--was attacked, its sacred groves cut down, its altars laid level, and its priests put to the sword.1 Pliny, recording how the Emperor Tiberius had "suppressed the druids", congratulates his fellow-countrymen on having put an end, wherever their dominion extended, to the monstrous customs inspired by the doctrine that the gods could take pleasure in murder and cannibalism.2 The practice of druidism, with its attendant barbarities, abolished in Britain wherever the long Roman arm could reach to strike, took refuge beyond the Northern Wall, among the savage Caledonian tribes who had not yet submitted to the invader's yoke. Naturally, too, it remained untouched in Ireland. But before the Romans left Britain, it had been extirpated everywhere, except among "the Picts and Scots".
Christianity, following the Roman rule, completed the ruin of paganism in Britain, so far, at least, as its public manifestations were concerned. In the sixth century of our era, the monkish writer, Gildas, is able to refer complacently to the ancient British religion as a dead faith. "I shall not", he says, "enumerate those diabolical idols of my country, which almost surpassed in number those of Egypt, and of which we still see some mouldering away within or without the deserted temples, with stiff and deformed features as was customary. Nor will I cry out upon the mountains, fountains, or hills, or upon the rivers, which now are subservient to the use of men, but once were an abomination and destruction to them, and to which the blind people paid divine honour."1 And with the idols fell the priests. The very word "druid" became obsolete, and is scarcely mentioned in the earliest British literature, though druids are prominent characters in the Irish writings of the same period.
The secular arm had no power in Scotland and in Ireland, consequently the battle between Paganism and Christianity was fought upon more equal terms, and lasted longer. In the first country, Saint Columba, and in the second, Saint Patrick are the personages who, at any rate according to tradition, beat down the druids and their gods. Adamnan, Abbot of Iona, who wrote his Vita Columbæ in the last decade of the seventh century, describes how, a century earlier, that saint had carried the Gospel to the Picts. Their king, Brude, received him contemptuously, and the royal druids left no heathen spell unuttered to thwart and annoy him. But, as the power of Moses was greater than the power of the magicians of Egypt, so Saint Columba's prayers caused miracles more wonderful and more convincing than any wrought by his adversaries. Such stories belong to the atmosphere of myth which has always enveloped heroic men; the essential fact is that the Picts abandoned the old religion for the new.
A similar legend sums up the life-work of Saint Patrick in Ireland. Before he came, Cromm Cruaich had received from time immemorial his yearly toll of human lives. But Saint Patrick faced the gruesome idol; as he raised his crozier, we are told, the demon fell shrieking from his image, which, deprived of its soul, bowed forward to the ground.
It is far easier, however, to overthrow the more public manifestations of a creed than to destroy its inner vital force. Cromm Cruaich's idol might fall, but his spirit would survive--a very Proteus. The sacred places of the ancient Celtic religion might be invaded, the idols and altars of the gods thrown down, the priests slain, scattered, or banished, and the cult officially declared to be extinct; but, driven from the important centres, it would yet survive outside and around them. The more civilized Gaels and Britons would no doubt accept the purer gospel, and abandon the gods they had once adored, but the peasantry--the bulk of the population--would still cling to the familiar rites and names. A nobler belief and a higher civilization come, after all, only as surface waves upon the great ocean of human life; beneath their agitations lies a vast slumbering abyss of half-conscious faith and thought to which culture penetrates with difficulty and in which changes come very slowly.
We have already shown how long and how faithfully the Gaelic and Welsh peasants clung to their old gods, in spite of all the efforts of the clerics to explain them as ancient kings, to transform them into wonder-working saints, or to ban them as demons of hell. This conservative religious instinct of the agricultural populations is not confined to the inhabitants of the British Islands. The modern Greeks still believe in nereids, in lamias, in sirens, and in Charon, the dark ferryman of Hades.1 The descendants of the Romans and Etruscans hold that the old Etruscan gods and the Roman deities of the woods and fields still live in the world as spirits.2 The high altars of the "Lord of the Mound" and his terrible kin were levelled, and their golden images and great temples left to moulder in abandonment; but the rude rustic shrine to the rude rustic god still received its offerings. It is this shifting of the care of the pagan cult from chief to peasant, from court to hovel, and, perhaps, to some extent from higher to lower race, that serves to explain how the more primitive and uncouth gods have tended so largely to supplant those of higher, more graceful mien. Aboriginal deities, thrust into obscurity by the invasion of higher foreign types, came back to their own again.
For it seems plain that we must divide the spiritual population of the British Islands into two classes. There is little in common between the "fairy", strictly so-called, and the unsightly elf who appears under various names and guises, as pooka, leprechaun, brownie, knocker, or bogle. The one belongs to such divine tribes as the Tuatha Dé Danann of Gaelic myth or their kin, the British gods of the Mabinogion. The other owes his origin to a quite different, and much lower, kind of imagination. One might fancy that neolithic man made him in his own image.
None the less has immemorial tradition wonderfully preserved the essential features of the Celtic nature-gods. The fairy belief of the present day hardly differs at all from the conception which the Celts had of their deities. The description of the Tuatha Dé Danann in the "Dialogue of the Elders" as "sprites or fairies with corporeal or material forms but indued with immortality" would stand as an account of prevailing ideas as to the "good people" to-day. Nor do the Irish and Welsh fairies of popular belief differ from one another. Both alike live among the hills, though in Wales a lake often takes the place of the "fairy mound"; both, though they war and marry among themselves, are semi-immortal; both covet the children of men, and will steal them from the cradle, leaving one of their own uncanny brood in the mortal baby's stead; both can lay men and women under spells; both delight in music and the dance, and live lives of unreal and fantastic splendour and luxury. Another point in which they resemble one another is in their tiny size. But this would seem to be the result of the literary convention originated by Shakespeare; in genuine folktales, both Gaelic and British, the fairies are pictured as of at least mortal stature.1
But, Aryan or Iberian, beautiful or hideous, they are fast vanishing from belief. Every year, the secluded valleys in which men and women might still live in the old way, and dream the old dreams, tend more and more to be thrown open to the modern world of rapid movement and rapid thought. The last ten years have perhaps done more in this direction than the preceding ten generations. What lone shepherd or fisherman will ever see again the vision of the great Manannán? Have the stable-boys of to-day still any faith left in Finvarra? Is Gwyn ap Nudd often thought of in his own valleys of the Tawë and the Nedd? It would be hard, perhaps, to find a whole-hearted believer even in his local pooka or parish bogle.
It is the ritual observances of the old Celtic faith which have better weathered, and will longer survive, the disintegrating influences of time. There are no hard names to be remembered. Things may still be done for "luck" which were once done for religion. Customary observances die very slowly, held up by an only half acknowledged fear that, unless they are fulfilled, "something may happen". We shall get, therefore, more satisfactory evidence of the nature of the Celtic paganism by examining such customs than in any other way.
We find three forms of the survival of the ancient religion into quite recent times. The first is the celebration of the old solar or agricultural festivals of the spring and autumn equinoxes and of the summer and winter solstices. The second is the practice of a symbolic human sacrifice by those who have forgotten its meaning, and only know that they are keeping up an old custom, joined with late instances of the actual sacrifices of animals to avert cattle-plagues or to change bad luck. The third consists of many still-living relics of the once universal worship of sacred waters, trees, stones, and animals.
Whatever may have been the exact meaning of the Celtic state worship, there seems to be no doubt that it centred around the four great days in the year which chronicle the rise, progress, and decline of the sun, and, therefore, of the fruits of the earth. These were: Beltaine, which fell at the beginning of May; Midsummer Day, marking the triumph of sunshine and vegetation; the Feast of Lugh, when, in August, the turning-point of the sun's course had been reached; and the sad Samhain, when he bade farewell to power, and fell again for half a year under the sway of the evil forces of winter and darkness.
Of these great solar periods, the first and the last were, naturally, the most important. The whole Celtic mythology seems to revolve upon them, as upon pivots. It was on the day of Beltaine that Partholon and his people, the discoverers, and, indeed, the makers of Ireland, arrived there from the other world, and it was on the same day, three hundred years later, that they returned whence they came. It was on Beltaine-day that the Gaelic gods, the Tuatha Dé Danann, and, after them, the Gaelic men, first set foot on Irish soil. It was on the day of Samhain that the Fomors oppressed the people of Nemed with their terrible tax; and it was again at Samhain that a later race of gods of light and life finally conquered those demons at the Battle of Moytura. Only one important mythological incident--and that was one added at a later time!--happened upon any other than one of those two days; it was upon Midsummer Day, one of the lesser solar points, that the people of the goddess Danu took Ireland from its inhabitants, the Fir Bolgs.
The mythology of Britain preserves the same root-idea as that of Ireland. If anything uncanny took place, it was sure to be on May-day. It was on "the night of the first of May" that Rhiannon lost, and Teirnyon Twryf Vliant found, the infant Pryderi, as told in the first of the Mabinogion.1 It was "on every May-eve" that the two dragons fought and shrieked in the reign of "King" Lludd.2 It is on "every first of May" till the day of doom that Gwyn son of Nudd, fights with Gwyrthur son of Greidawl, for Lludd's fair daughter, Creudylad.3 And it was when she was "a-maying" in the woods and fields near Westminster that the same Gwyn, or Melwas, under his romance-name of Sir Meliagraunce, captured Arthur's queen, Guinevere.4
The nature of the rites performed upon these days can be surmised from their pale survivals. They are still celebrated by the descendants of the Celts, though it is probable that few of them know--or would even care to know--why May Day, St. John's Day, Lammas, and Hallowe'en are times of ceremony. The first--called "Beltaine" in Ireland, "Bealtiunn" in Scotland, "Shenn da Boaldyn'' in the Isle of Man, and "Galan-Mai" (the Calends of May) in Wales--celebrates the waking of the earth from her winter sleep, and the renewal of warmth, life, and vegetation. This is the meaning of the May-pole, now rarely seen in our streets, though Shakespeare tells us that in his time the festival was so eagerly anticipated that no one could sleep upon its eve.1 At midnight the people rose, and, going to the nearest woods, tore down branches of trees, with which the sun, when he rose, would find doors and windows decked for him. They spent the day in dancing round the May-pole, with rude, rustic mirth, man joining with nature to celebrate the coming of summer. The opposite to it was the day called "Samhain" in Ireland and Scotland, "Sauin" in Man, and "Nos Galan-gaeof" (the Night of the Winter Calends) in Wales. This festival was a sad one: summer was over, and winter, with its short, sunless days and long, dreary nights, was at hand. It was the beginning, too, of the ancient Celtic year,2 and omens for the future might be extorted from dark powers by uncanny rites. It was the holiday of the dead and of all the more evil supernatural beings. "On November-eve", says a North Cardiganshire proverb, "there is a bogy on every stile." The Scotch have even invented a special bogy--the Samhanach or goblin which comes out at Samhain.3
The sun-god himself is said to have instituted the August festival called "Lugnassad" (Lugh's commemoration) in Ireland, "Lla Lluanys" in Man, and "Gwyl Awst" (August Feast) in Wales; and it was once of hardly less importance than Beltaine or Samhain. It is noteworthy, too, that the first of August was a great day at Lyons--formerly called Lugudunum, the dún (town) of Lugus. The mid-summer festival, on the other hand, has largely merged its mythological significance in the Christian Feast of St. John.
The characteristic features of these festivals give certain proof of the original nature of the great pagan ceremonials of which they are the survivals and travesties.1 In all of them, bonfires are lighted on the highest hills, and the hearth fires solemnly rekindled. They form the excuse for much sport and jollity. But there is yet something sinister in the air; the "fairies" are active and abroad, and one must be careful to omit no prescribed rite, if one would avoid kindling their anger or falling into their power. To some of these still-half-believed-in nature-gods offerings were made down to a comparatively late period. When Pennant wrote, in the eighteenth century, it was the custom on Beltaine-day in many Highland villages to offer libations and cakes not only to the "spirits" who were believed to be beneficial to the flocks and herds, but also to creatures like the fox, the eagle, and the hoodie-crow which so often molested them.1 At Hallowe'en (the Celtic Samhain) the natives of the Hebrides used to pour libations of ale to a marine god called Shony, imploring him to send sea-weed to the shore.2 In honour, also, of such beings, curious rites were performed. Maidens washed their faces in morning dew, with prayers for beauty. They carried sprigs of the rowan, that mystic tree whose scarlet berries were the ambrosial food of the Tuatha Dé Danann.
In their original form, these now harmless rural holidays were undoubtedly religious festivals of an orgiastic nature-worship such as became so popular in Greece in connection with the cult of Dionysus. The great "lords of life" and of the powers of nature that made and ruled life were propitiated by maddening invocations, by riotous dances, and by human sacrifice.
The bonfires which fill so large a part in the modern festivals have been casually mentioned. Originally they were no mere feux de joie, but had a terrible meaning, which the customs connected with them preserve. At the Highland Beltaine, a cake was divided by lot, and whoever drew the "burnt piece" was obliged to leap three times over the flames. At the midsummer bonfires in Ireland all passed through the fire; the men when the flames were highest, the women when they were lower, and the cattle when there was nothing left but smoke. In Wales, upon the last day of October, the old Samhain, there was a slightly different, and still more suggestive rite. The hill-top bonfires were watched until they were announced to be extinct. Then all would race headlong down the hill, shouting a formula to the effect that the devil would get the hindmost. The devil of a new belief is the god of the one it has supplanted; in all three instances, the custom was no mere meaningless horse-play, but a symbolical human sacrifice.
A similar observance, but of a more cruel kind, was kept up in France upon St. John's Day, until forbidden by law in the reign of Louis the Fourteenth. Baskets containing living wolves, foxes, and cats were burned upon the bonfires, under the auspices and in the presence of the sheriffs or the mayor of the town.1 Caesar noted the custom among the druids of constructing huge wicker-work images, which they filled with living men, and set on fire, and it can hardly be doubted that the wretched wolves, foxes, and cats were ceremonial substitutes for human beings.
An ingenious theory was invented, after the introduction of Christianity, with the purpose of allowing such ancient rites to continue, with a changed meaning. The passing of persons and cattle through flame or smoke was explained as a practice which interposed a magic protection between them and the powers of evil. This homoeopathic device of using the evil power's own sacred fire as a means of protection against himself somewhat suggests that seething of the kid in its mother's milk which was reprobated by the Levitical law; but, no doubt, pagan "demons" were considered fair game. The explanation, of course, is an obviously and clumsily forced one; it was the grim druidical philosophy that--to quote Caesar--"unless the life of man was repaid for the life of man, the will of the immortal gods could not be appeased" that dictated both the national and the private human sacrifices of the Celts, the shadows of which remain in the leaping through the bonfires, and in the numerous recorded sacrifices of cattle within quite recent times.
Mr. Laurence Gomme, in his Ethnology in Folk-lore, has collected many modern instances of the sacrifices of cattle not only in Ireland and Scotland, but also in Wales, Yorkshire, Northamptonshire, Cornwall, and the Isle of Man.1 "Within twenty miles of the metropolis of Scotland a relative of Professor Simpson offered up a live cow as a sacrifice to the spirit of the murrain."2 In Wales, when cattle-sickness broke out, a bullock was immolated by being thrown down from the top of a high rock. Generally, however, the wretched victims were burned alive. In 1859 an Isle of Man farmer offered a heifer as a burnt offering near Tynwald Hill, to avert the anger of the ghostly occupant of a barrow which had been desecrated by opening. Sometimes, even, these burnt oblations were offered to an alleged Christian saint. The registers of the Presbytery of Dingwall for the years 1656 and 1678 contain records of the sacrifices of cattle upon the site of an ancient temple in honour of a being whom some called "St. Mourie", and others, perhaps knowing his doubtful character, "ane god Mourie".1 At Kirkcudbright, it was St. Cuthbert, and at Clynnog, in Wales, it was St. Beuno, who was thought to delight in the blood of bulls.2
Such sacrifices of cattle appear mainly to have been offered to stay plague among cattle. Man for man and beast for beast, was, perhaps, the old rule. But among all nations, human sacrifices have been gradually commuted for those of animals. The family of the O'Herlebys in Ballyvorney, County Cork, used in olden days to keep an idol, "an image of wood about two feet high, carved and painted like a woman".3 She was the goddess of smallpox, and to her a sheep was immolated on behalf of anyone seized with that disease.
The third form of Celtic pagan survival is found in numerous instances of the adoration of water, trees, stones, and animals. Like the other "Aryan" nations, the Celts worshipped their rivers. The Dee received divine honours as a war-goddess with the title of Aerfon, while the Ribble, under its name of Belisama, was identified by the Romans with Minerva.4 Myths were told of them, as of the sacred streams of Greece. The Dee gave oracles as to the results of the perpetual wars between the Welsh and the English; as its stream encroached either upon the Welsh or the English side, so one nation or the other would be victorious.1 The Tweed, like many of the Greek rivers, was credited with human descendants.2 That the rivers of Great Britain received human sacrifices is clear from the folklore concerning many of them. Deprived of their expected offerings, they are believed to snatch by stealth the human lives for which they crave. "River of Dart, River of Dart, every year thou claimest a heart," runs the Devonshire folk-song. The Spey, too, requires a life yearly,3 but the Spirit of the Ribble is satisfied with one victim at the end of every seven years.4
Evidence, however, of the worship of rivers is scanty compared with that of the adoration of wells. "In the case of well-worship," says Mr. Gomme, "it may be asserted with some confidence that it prevails in every county of the three kingdoms."5 He finds it most vital in the Gaelic counties, somewhat less so in the British, and almost entirely wanting in the Teutonic south-east. So numerous, indeed, are "holy wells" that several monographs have been written solely upon them.6 In some cases these wells were resorted to for the cure of diseases; in others, to obtain change of weather, or "good luck". Offerings were made to them, to propitiate their guardian gods or nymphs. Pennant tells us that in olden times the rich would sacrifice one of their horses at a well near Abergeleu, to secure a blessing upon the rest.1 Fowls were offered at St Tegla's Well, near Wrexham, by epileptic patients.2 But of late years the well-spirits have had to be content with much smaller tributes--such trifles as pins, rags, coloured pebbles, and small coins.
With sacred wells were often connected sacred trees, to whose branches rags and small pieces of garments were suspended by their humble votaries. Sometimes, where the ground near the well was bare of vegetation, bushes were artificially placed beside the water. The same people who venerated wells and trees would pay equal adoration to sacred stones. Lord Roden, describing, in 1851, the Island of Inniskea, off the coast of Mayo, asserts that a sacred well called "Derrivla" and a sacred stone called "Neevougi", which was kept carefully wrapped up in flannel and brought out at certain periods to be publicly adored, seemed to be the only deities known to that lone Atlantic island's three hundred inhabitants.3 It sounds incredible; but there is ample evidence of the worship of fetish stones by quite modern inhabitants of our islands. The Clan Chattan kept such a stone in the Isle of Arran; it was believed, like the stone of Inniskea, to be able to cure diseases, and was kept carefully "wrapped up in fair linen cloth, and about that there was a piece of woollen cloth".4 Similarly, too, the worship of wells was connected with the worship of animals. At a well in the "Devil's Causeway", between Ruckley and Acton, in Shropshire, lived, and perhaps still live, four frogs who were, and perhaps still are, believed to be "the devil and his imps"--that is to say, gods or demons of a proscribed idolatry.1 In Ireland such guardian spirits are usually fish--trout, eels, or salmon thought to be endowed with eternal life.2 The genius of a well in Banffshire took the form of a fly, which was also said to be undying, but to transmigrate from body to body. Its function was to deliver oracles; according as it seemed active or lethargic, its votaries drew their omens.3 It is needless to multiply instances of a still surviving cult of water, trees, stones, and animals. Enough to say that it would be easy. What concerns us is that we are face to face in Britain with living forms of the oldest, lowest, most primitive religion in the world--one which would seem to have been once universal, and which, crouching close to the earth, lets other creeds blow over it without effacing it, and outlives one and all of them.
It underlies the three great world-religions, and still forms the real belief of perhaps the majority of their titular adherents. It is characteristic of the wisdom of the Christian Church that, knowing its power, she sought rather to sanctify than to extirpate it. What once were the Celtic equivalents of the Greek "fountains of the nymphs" were consecrated as "holy wells". The process of so adopting them began early. St. Columba, when he went in the sixth century to convert the Picts, found a spring which they worshipped as a god; he blessed it, and "from that day the demon separated from the water".1 Indeed, he so sanctified no less than three hundred such springs.2 Sacred stones were equally taken under the ægis of Christianity. Some were placed on the altars of cathedrals, others built into consecrated walls. The animal gods either found themselves the heroes of Christian legends, or where, for some reason, such adoption was hopeless, were proclaimed "witches' animals", and dealt with accordingly. Such happened to the hare, a creature sacred to the ancient Britons,3 but now in bad odour among the superstitious. The wren, too, is hunted to death upon St. Stephen's Day in Ireland. Its crime is said to be that it has "a drop of the de'il's blood in it", but the real reason is probably to be found in the fact that the Irish druids used to draw auguries from its chirpings.
We have made in this volume some attempt to draw a picture of the ancient religion of our earliest ancestors, the Gaelic and the British Celts. We have shown what can be gathered of the broken remnants of a mythology as splendid in conception and as brilliant in colour as that of the Greeks. We have tried to paint its divine figures, and to retell their heroic stories. We have seen them fall from their shrines, and yet, rising again, take on new lives as kings, or saints, or knights of romance, and we have caught fading glimpses of them surviving to-day as the "fairies", their rites still cherished by worshippers who hardly know who or why they worship. Of necessity this survey has been brief and incomplete. Whether the great edifice of the Celtic mythology will ever be wholly restored one can at present only speculate. Its colossal fragments are perhaps too deeply buried and too widely scattered. But, even as it stands ruined, it is a mighty quarry from which poets yet unborn will hew spiritual marble for houses not made with hands.
399:1 In the year 55 B.C.
399:2 Strabo, Book IV, chap. IV.
400:1 Annals, Book XIV, chap. XXX.
400:2 Natural History, Book XXX.
401:1 Gildas. See Six Old English Chronicles--Bohn's Libraries.
403:1 Rennell Rodd: Customs and Lore of Modern Greece. Stuart Glennie: Greek Folk Songs.
403:2 Charles Godfrey Leland: Etruscan Roman Remains in Popular Tradition.
404:1 Rhys: Celtic Folklore, p. 670; Curtin: Tales of the Fairies and of the Ghost World; and Mr. Leland Duncan's Fairy Beliefs from County Leitrim in Folklore, June, 1896.
407:1 The Mabinogi of Pwyll, Prince of Dyfed.
407:2 The story of Lludd and Llevelys.
407:3 Kulhwch and Olwen.
407:4 Morte Darthur, Book XIX, chaps. I and II.
408:1 Henry VIII, act V, scene 3.
408:2 Rhys: Hibbert Lectures, p. 54.
408:3 Ibid., p. 516.
409:1 A good account of the Irish festivals is given by Lady Wilde in her Ancient Legends of Ireland, pp. 193-221.
410:1 Pennant: A Tour in Scotland and Voyage to the Hebrides, 1772.
410:2 Martin: Description of the Western Islands of Scotland, 1695.
411:1 Gaidoz: Esquisse de la Réligion des Gaulois, p. 21.
412:1 Gomme: Ethnology in Folklore, pp, 136-139.
412:2 Ibid., p. 137.
413:1 Mitchell: The Past in the Present, pp. 271, 275.
413:2 Elton: Origins of English History, p. 284.
413:3 Gomme: Ethnology in Folklore, p. 140.
413:4 The word Dee probably meant "divinity". The river was also called Dyfridwy, i.e. "water of the divinity". See Rhys: Lectures on Welsh Philology, p. 307.
414:1 Rhys: Celtic Britain, p. 68.
414:2 Rogers: Social Life in Scotland, chap. III, p. 336.
414:3 Folklore, chap. III, p. 72.
414:4 Henderson: Folklore of Northern Counties, p. 265.
414:5 Gomme: Ethnology in Folklore, p. 78.
414:6 Hope: Holy Wells of England; Harvey: Holy Wells of Ireland.
415:1 Sikes: British Goblins, p. 351.
415:2 Ibid., p. 329.
415:3 Roden: Progress of the Reformation in Ireland, pp. 51-54.
415:4 Martin: Description of the Western Islands, pp. 166-226.
416:1 Burne: Shropshire Folklore, p. 416.
416:2 Gomme: Ethnology in Folklore, pp. 92-93.
416:3 Ibid., p. 102.
417:1 Adamnan's Vita Columbæ.
417:2 Dr. Whitley Stokes: Three Middle Irish Homilies.
417:3 Caesar: De Bello Gallico, Book V, chap. XII.
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