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A New System; or, an Analysis of Ancient Mythology. Volume I

By Jacob Bryant

Of The Omphi And Of The Worship Upon High Places

The term Omphi is of great antiquity, and denotes an oracular influence, by which people obtained an insight into the secrets of futurity. I have taken notice with what reverence men in the first ages repaired to rocks and caverns, as to places of particular sanctity. Here they thought that the Deity would most likely disclose himself either by a voice, or a dream, or some other præternatural token. Many, for the same purpose, worshipped upon hills, and on the tops of high mountains; imagining that they hereby obtained a nearer communication with heaven. Hence we read, as far back as the days of Moses, concerning the high places in ^[715]Canaan. And, under the kings of Israel and Judah, that the people made their offerings in high places. We are particularly told of Pekah, the son of Remaliah, that he walked in the way of the ^[716] kings of Israel; yea, and made his sons to pass through the fire, according to the abominations of the heathen—and he sacrificed and burnt incense in the high places, and on the hills, and under every green tree. And many times when a reformation was introduced under some of the wiser and better princes, it is still lamented by the sacred writer, that ^[717] the high places were not taken away: the people still offered, and burnt incense on the high places. It is observable, when the king of Moab wanted to obtain an answer from God, that he took Balaam the prophet, and brought him to the ^[718]high places of Baal. And, finding that he could not obtain his purpose there, he carried him into the field of Zophim unto the top of Pisgah; and from thence he again removed him to the top of Peor. In all these places he erected seven altars, and offered a bullock and a ram on every^[719] altar. It is said of Orpheus, that he went with some of his disciples to meet Theiodamas, the son of Priam, and to partake in a sacrifice which he every year offered upon the summit of a high^[720] mountain. We are told by Strabo, that the Persians always performed their worship upon hills^[721]. Περσαι τοινυν αγαλματα και βωμους ουχ ἱδρυονται· Θυουσι δε εν ὑψηλῳ τοπῳ, τον ουρανον ηγουμενοι Δια.

The people of Cappadocia and Pontus observed the like method of worship: and, of all sacrifices, wherever exhibited upon high places, none, perhaps, ever equalled in magnificence that which was offered by Mithridates upon his war with the Romans. He followed the Persic modes of worship, as well as the mixed rites of the Chaldeans and Syrians. Hence he chose one of the highest mountains in his dominions: upon the top of which he reared an immense pile, equal in size to the summit on which it stood: and there he sacrificed to the God of armies—^[722]Εθυε τῳ Στρατιῳ Διι πατριον θυσιαν, επι ορους ὑψηλου κορυφην μειζονα αλλην επιτιθεις. The pile was raised by his vassal princes: and the offerings, besides those customary, were wine, honey, oil, and every species of aromatics. The fire is said to have been perceived at the distance of near a thousand stadia. The Roman poet makes his hero choose a like situation for a temple which he erected to Venus; and for the grove which he dedicated to the manes of his father.

In Japan most of their temples at this day are constructed upon eminences; and often upon the ascent of high mountains. They are all, ^[724]says Kæmpfer, most sweetly seated: A curious view of the adjacent country, a spring and rivulet of clear water, and the neighbourhood of a grove with pleasant walks, being the necessary qualifications of those spots of ground where these holy structures are to be built: for they say that the Gods are extremely delighted with such high and pleasant places.

This practice in early times was almost universal; and every ^[725]mountain was esteemed holy. The people, who prosecuted this method of worship, enjoyed a soothing infatuation, which flattered the gloom of superstition. The eminences to which they retired were lonely, and silent; and seemed to be happily circumstanced for contemplation and prayer. They, who frequented them, were raised above the lower world; and fancied that they were brought into the vicinity of the powers of the air, and of the Deity who resided in the higher regions. But the chief excellence for which they were frequented, was the Omphi, expressed ομφη by the Greeks, and interpreted ^[726]Θεια κληδων, vox divina, being esteemed a particular revelation from heaven. In short, they were looked upon as the peculiar places where God delivered his oracles. Hermæus in Plutarch expresses this term ομφις, omphis; and says, that it was the name of an Egyptian Deity: and he interprets it, I know not for what reason, ^[727]ευεργετης. The word truly rendered was Omphi or Amphi, the oracle of Ham; who, according to the Egyptian theology, was the same as the Sun, or Osiris. He was likewise revered as the chief Deity by the Chaldeans; and by most nations in the east. He was styled both Ham, and Cham: and his oracles both Omphi and Ompi. In consequence of this, the mountains where they were supposed to be delivered, came to be denominated Har-al-Ompi; which al-ompi by the Greeks was changed to Ολυμπος, Olympus; and the mountain was called ορος Ολυμπου. There were many of this name. The Scholiast upon Apollonius reckons up ^[728]six: but there were certainly more, besides a variety of places styled upon the same account ^[729]Olympian. They were all looked upon to be prophetic; and supposed to be the residence of the chief Deity, under whatever denomination he was specified, which was generally the God of light. For these oracles no place was of more repute than the hill at Delphi, called Omphi-El, or the oracle of the Sun. But the Greeks, who changed Al-omphi to Olympus, perverted these terms in a manner still more strange: for finding them somewhat similar in sound to a word in their own language, their caprice immediately led them to think of ομφαλος, a navel, which they substituted for the original word. This they did uniformly in all parts of the world; and always invented some story to countenance their mistake. Hence, whenever we meet with an idle account of a navel, we may be pretty sure that there is some allusion to an oracle. In respect to Delphi, they presumed that it was the umbilicus, or centre of the whole earth. The poets gave into this notion without any difficulty; Sophocles calls it ^[730]μεσομφαλα Γης μαντεια: and Euripides avers that it was the precise centre of the earth:

Livy, the historian, does not scruple to accede to this notion, and to call it ^[732]umbilicum orbis terrarum. Strabo speaks of it in this light, but with some hesitation. ^[733]Της Ἑλλαδος εν μεσῳ ΠΩΣ εστι της συμπασης—ΕΝΟΜΙΣΘΗ δη και οικουμενης· και εκαλεσαν της γης ΟΜΦΑΛΟΝ. Varro very sensibly refutes this idle notion in some ^[734]strictures upon a passage in the poet Manilius to the purpose above.

Upon which he makes this remark: Umbilicum dictum aiunt ab umbilico nostro, quod is medius locus sit terrarum, ut umbilicus in nobis: quod utrumque est falsum. Neque hic locus terrarum est medius; neque noster umbilicus est hominis medius. Epimenides long before had said the same:

But supposing that this name and character had some relation to Delphi, how are we to account for other places being called after this manner? They could not all be umbilical: the earth cannot be supposed to have different centres: nor could the places thus named be always so situated, as to be central in respect to the nation, or the province in which they were included. Writers try to make it out this way: yet they do not seem satisfied with the process. The contradictory accounts shew the absurdity of the notion. It was a term borrowed from Egypt, which was itself an Omphalian region. Horus Apollo not knowing the meaning of this has made Egypt the centre of the earth: ^[736]Αιγυπτων γη μεση της οικουμενης. Pausanias mentions an Omphalus in the Peloponnesus, which was said to have been the middle of that country. He seems however to doubt of this circumstance, as he well may^[737]. Ου πορρω δε εστιν ὁ καλουμενος Ομφαλος, Πελοποννησου δε πασης μεσον, ει δη τα οντα ειρηκασι. At no great distance is a place called the Omphalus, or navel; which is the centre of the whole Peloponnesus, if the people here tell us the truth. At Enna in ^[738]Sicily was an Omphalus: and the island of Calypso is represented by Homer as the umbilicus of the sea. The Goddess resided—^[739]Νησῳ εν αμφιρυτῃ ὁθι τ' ομφαλος εστι θαλασσης. The Ætolians were styled umbilical; and looked upon themselves as the central people in Greece, like those of Delphi. But this notion was void of all truth in every instance which has been produced: and arose from a wrong interpretation of antient terms. What the Grecians styled Omphalus was certainly Ompha-El, the same as Al-Ompha; and related to the oracle of Ham or the Sun: and these temples were Prutaneia, and Puratheia, with a tumulus or high altar, where the rites of fire were in antient times performed. As a proof of this etymology most of the places styled Olympian, or Omphalian, will be found to have a reference to an oracle. Epirus was celebrated for the oracle at Dodona: and we learn from the antient poet, Reianus, that the natives were of old called Omphalians:

There was an Omphalia in Elis; and here too was an oracle mentioned by ^[741]Pindar and Strabo: ^[742]Την δε επιφανειαν εσχεν (ἡ Ολυμπια) εξ αρχης δια το μαντειον του Ολυμπιου Διος. The place derived all its lustre originally from the oracular temple of Olympian Jove. In this province was an antient city ^[743]Alphira; and a grove of Artemis ^[744]Alpheionia, and the whole was watered by the sacred river Alpheus. All these are derived from El, the prophetic Deity, the Sun; and more immediately from his oracle, Alphi. The Greeks deduced every place from some personage: and Plutarch accordingly makes Alpheus^[745]—Ἑις των το γενος αφ' ἡλιου καταγοντων, one of those who derived their race from the Sun. The term Alphi, from whence the Greeks formed Alphira, Alpheionia, and Alpheüs, is in acceptation the same as Amphi. For Ham being by his posterity esteemed the Sun, or El; and likewise Or, the same as Orus; his oracles were in consequence styled not only Amphi, and Omphi, but Alphi, Elphi, Orphi, Urphi.

I have taken notice of several cities called Omphalian, and have observed, that they generally had oracular temples: but by the Greeks they were universally supposed to have been denominated from a navel. There was a place called ^[746]Omphalian in Thessaly: and another in Crete, which had a celebrated ^[747]oracle. It is probably the same that is mentioned by Strabo, as being upon mount Ida, where was the city Elorus. Diodorus speaks of this oracle, named Omphalian; but supposes that the true name was ομφαλος, omphalus: and says, that it was so called (strange to tell) because Jupiter, when he was a child, lost his navel here, which dropped into the river Triton: ^[748]Απο τουτου τοτε συμβαντος Ομφαλον προσαγορευθηναι το χωριον: from this accident the place had the name of Omphalus, or the navel. Callimachus in his hymn to Jupiter dwells upon this circumstance:

Who would imagine, that one of the wisest nations that ever existed could rest satisfied with such idle figments: and how can we account for these illusions, which overspread the brightest minds? We see knowing and experienced people inventing the most childish tales; lovers of science adopting them; and they are finally recorded by the grave historian: all which would not appear credible, had we not these evidences so immediately transmitted from them. And it is to be observed that this blindness is only in regard to their religion; and to their mythology, which was grounded thereupon. In all other respects they were the wisest of the sons of men.

We meet in history with other places styled Omphalian. The temple of Jupiter Ammon was esteemed of the highest antiquity, and we are informed that there was an omphalus here; and that the Deity was worshipped under the form of a navel. Quintus Curtius, who copied his history from the Greeks, gives us in the life of Alexander the following strange account, which he has embellished with some colouring of his own. ^[750]Id, quod pro Deo colitur, non eandem effigiem habebat, quam vulgo Diis Artifices accommodârunt. Umbilico maxime similis est habitus, smaragdo, et gemmis, coagmentatus. Hunc, cum responsum petitur, navigio aurato gestant Sacerdotes, multis argenteis pateris ab utroque navigii latere pendentibus. The whole of this is an abuse of terms, which the author did not understand, and has totally misapplied. One would imagine that so improbable a story, as that of an umbilical Deity with his silver basons, though patched up with gold and emeralds, would have confuted itself. Yet Schottus in his notes upon Curtius has been taken with this motly description: and in opposition to all good history, thinks that this idle story of a navel relates to the compass. Hyde too has adopted this notion; and proceeds to shew how each circumstance may be made to agree with the properties of the magnet. ^[751]Illa nempe Jovis effigies videtur semiglobulare quiddam, uti est compassus marinus, formâ umbilici librarii, seu umbonis, tanquam ενθεον quoddam adoratum, propter ejusdem divinum auxilium: utpote in quo index magneticus erat sicut intus existens quidam deus, navigiorum cursum in medio æquore dirigens. These learned men were endued with a ready faith: and not only acquiesce in what they have been told, but contribute largely to establish the mistake. The true history is this. Most places in which was the supposed oracle of a Deity, the Grecians, as I have before mentioned, styled Olympus, Olympia, and Olympiaca: or else Omphale, and Omphalia, and the province χωριον Ομφαλιον. These terms were thought to relate to a navel: but, if such an interpretation could have been made to correspond with the history of any one place, yet that history could not have been reiterated; nor could places so widely distant have all had the same reference. What was terminated ομφαλος was ^[752]Omph-El, the oracle of God, the seat of divine influence: and Al-Omphi was a name given to mountains and eminences upon the same account. An oracle was given to Pelias in Thessaly: and whence did it proceed? from the well wooded omphalus of his mother Earth.

In other words, it proceeded from the stately grove of Hestia, where stood an oracular temple.

In respect to the omphalus of Ammon, which Curtius has translated umbilicus, and garnished with gold and jewels, the whole arises from a mistake in terms, as in the many instances before. It was Omphi El, the oracle of Ham, or the Sun: and the shrine, from whence it was supposed to proceed, was carried in a boat. The Pateræ, represented as so many silver basons, were in reality the interpreters of the oracle. They were the priests, who in the sacred processions walked on each side, and supported both the image and the boat in which it was carried. They are said to have been eighty in number; and they pretended to bear the Deity about, just as they were by the divine impulse directed. The God, says ^[754]Diodorus Siculus, is carried about in a ship of gold by eighty of his priests. They bear him upon their shoulders, and pursue their way by instinct, just as the divine automaton chances to direct them. These persons, who thus officiated, were probably the same as the Petipharæ of the antient Egyptians, but were called Pateræ by the Greeks. It was a name, and office, by which the priests of Delphi, and of many other places besides those in Egypt, were distinguished: and the term always related to oracular interpretation. Hence Bochart describes these priests, and their function, very justly. ^[755]Pateræ Sacerdotes Apollinis, oraculorum interpretes. Pator, or Petor, was an Egyptian word; and Moses speaking of Joseph, and the dreams of Pharaoh, more than once makes use of it in the sense above. It occurs Genesis. c. 41. v. 8.—v. 13. and manifestly alludes to an interpretation of that divine intercourse, which the Egyptians styled Omphi. This was communicated to Pharaoh by a dream: for the Omphi was esteemed not only a verbal response, but also an intimation by ^[756]dreams—Ομφη, φημη θεια, θεια κληδων—ονειρου φαντασματα. Hesychius. So it likewise occurs in Eusebius; who quotes a passage from the oracles of Hecate, wherein the Gods are represented, as insensibly wafted through the air like an Omphean vision.

These Omphean visions were explained by Joseph; he interpreted the dreams of Pharaoh: wherefore the title of Pator is reckoned by the Rabbins among the names of Joseph. There is thought to be the same allusion to divine interpretation in the name of the apostle Peter: Πετρος, ὁ επιλυων, ὁ επιγινωσκων. Hesych. Petrus Hebræo sermone agnoscens notat. Arator. From these examples we may, I think, learn that the priest was styled Petor, and Pator: and that it was the place, which properly was called Patora. The Colossal statue of Memnon in the Thebaïs was a Patora, or oracular image. There are many inscriptions upon different parts of it; which were copied by Dr. Pocock^[758], and are to be seen in the first volume of his travels. They are all of late date in comparison of the statue itself; the antiquity of which is very great. One of these inscriptions is particular, and relates to the Omphi, which seems to have frightened away some ill-disposed people in an attempt to deface the image:

One of the most famous oracles of Apollo was in Lycia: and in consequence of it the place was named Patara. Patra in Achaia was of the same purport. I should imagine, that the place where Balaam the false ^[760]prophet resided, was of the same nature; and that by Pethor and Pethora was meant a place of interpretation, or oracular temple. There was probably a college of priests; such as are mentioned to have existed among the Amonians: of whom Balaam had been by the king of Moab appointed chief Petora, or priest. It seems to have been the celebrated place in Arabia, famous in after times for the worship of Alilat, and called by the Romans ^[761]Petra.

The custom of carrying the Deity in a shrine, placed in a boat, and supported by priests, was in use among the Egyptians, as well as the ^[762]Ammonites. It is a circumstance which deserves our notice; as it appears to be very antient, and had doubtless a mysterious allusion. We have three curious examples of it among ^[763]Bishop Pocock's valuable specimens of antiquity, which he collected in those parts. He met with them at Luxorein, or ^[764]Lucorein, near Carnac, in the Thebaïs; but mentions not what they relate to: nor do I know of any writer who has attended to their history. The accounts given above by Curtius, and Diodorus, are wonderfully illustrated by these representations from Egypt. It is plain that they all relate to the same religious ceremony, and very happily concur to explain each other. It may be worth observing, that the originals whence these copies were taken are of the highest antiquity; and, probably, the most early specimens of sculpture in the world. Diodorus mentions that the shrine of Ammon had eighty persons to attend it: but Dr. Pocock, when he took these copies, had not time to be precisely accurate in this article. In his specimens the greatest number of attendants are twenty: eighteen support the boat, and one precedes with a kind of sceptre; another brings up the rear, having in his hand a rod, or staff, which had undoubtedly a mystic allusion. The whole seems to have been emblematical; and it will be hereafter shewn, that it related to a great preservation, which was most religiously recorded, and became the principal subject of all their mysteries. The person in the shrine was their chief ancestor, and the whole process was a memorial of the deluge; the history of which must have been pretty recent when these works were executed in Egypt.

From the shrines of Amon abovementioned we may derive the history of all oracles; which, from the Deity by whom they were supposed to be uttered, were called Omphi and Amphi, as I have shewn: also, Alphi, Elphi, Orphi, Urphi, from El, and Orus. The Greeks adhered religiously to antient terms, however obsolete and unintelligible. They retained the name of Amphi, though they knew not the meaning: for it was antiquated before they had letters. That it originally related to oracular revelation is plain from its being always found annexed to the names of places famous on that account; and from its occurring in the names of men, renowned as priests and augurs, and supposed to have been gifted with a degree of foreknowledge. We read of Amphiaraus, Amphilocus, Amphimachus, persons represented as under particular divine influence, and interpreters of the will of the Gods. Amphion, though degraded to a harper, was Amphi-On, the oracle of Apollo, the Sun: and there was a temple, one of the antient ὑπαιθρα, dedicated to him and Zethus, as we may read in Pausanias. Mopsus, the diviner, is styled Αμπυκιδης, Ampucides; which is not a patronymic, but a title of the oracular Deity.

Idmon, the reputed son of Abas, was a prophet, as well as Mopsus: he was favoured with the divine Omphe, and, like the former, styled Ampucides.

What his attainments were, the Poet mentions in another place.

To say the truth, these supposed prophets were Deities, to whom temples were consecrated under these names; or, to speak more properly, they were all titles, which related to one God, the Sun. That they were reputed Deities, is plain, from many accounts. Dion Cassius speaks of Αμφιλοχου χρηστηριον: and the three principal oracles mentioned by Justin Martyr are ^[768]μαντεια—Αμφιλοχου Δωδωνης, και Πυθους. We have a similar account from Clemens Alexandrinus. ^[769]Διηγησαι ἡμιν και της αλλης μαντικης, μαλλον δε μανικης, τα αχρηστα χρηστηρια, τον Κλαριον, τον Πυθιον, τον Αμφιαρεω, τον Αμφιλοχον. The Amphictuons were originally prophetic personages, who attended at the temple at Delphi. Hesychius observes: Αμφικτυονες—περιοικοι Δελφων, πυλαγοραι, ιερομνημονες. Minerva, heavenly wisdom, is by Lycophron styled ^[770]Amphira; which is a compound of Amphi-Ur, the divine influence, or oracle of Orus. Of this name there was a city near Olympia in Elis: for many places were in this manner denominated, on account of their being esteemed the seat of prophecy. In Phocis was the city Hyampolis: and close to it ^[771] Amphissa, famous for the oracle of an unknown Goddess, the daughter of Macaria. Amphrysus, in Bœotia, was much famed for the influence of ^[772] Apollo; and Amphimallus, in Crete, was well known for its ^[773] oracle. Amphiclea, in ^[774] Phocis, had Dionusus for its guardian Deity, whose orgies were there celebrated; and whose shrine was oracular.

I imagine that this sacred influence, under the name of Amphi, is often alluded to in the exordia of Poets, especially by the writers in Dithyrambic measure, when they address Apollo. Taken in its usual sense (αμφι circum) the word has no meaning: and there is otherwise no accounting for its being chosen above all others in the language to begin hymns of praise to this Deity, who was the principal God of prophecy. We have one instance of it in the Nubes of Aristophanes:

Periander is mentioned as beginning a hymn with a like exordium: Αμφι μοι αυθις ανακτα: And Terpander has nearly the same words: ^[776]Αμφι μοι αυθις ανακθ' ἑκατηβολον. Apollo was so frequently called Αμφι αναξ, that it was in a manner looked upon as a necessary proœemium. Suidas observes, Αμφιανακτιζειν το προοιμιαζειν: And Hesychius, Αμφιανακτα, αρχη νομου Κιθαρωδικου. Much the same is told us in the Scholia upon the passage above from Aristophanes: ^[777]Μιμειται δε (Αριστοφανης) τον Διθυραμβων τα προοιμια· συνεχως γαρ χρωνται ταυτῃ λεξει· διο αμφιανακτας αυτους καλουσι. However, none of these writers inform us why this word was so particularly used; nor tell us what was its purport. In the short hymns ascribed to Homer this term is industriously retained; and the persons who composed them have endeavoured to make sense of it, by adopting it according to the common acceptation.

These hymns were of late date, long after Homer; and were introduced in Ionia, and also in Cyprus and Phenicia, when the Grecians were in possession of those parts. They were used in the room of the antient hymns, which were not understood by the new inhabitants. One of them is confessedly addressed to the Goddess called Venus Ourania, in Cyprus; and was designed to be sung by the priest of that Goddess upon the stated festivals at Salamis.

We may perceive, from what has been said, that the word Amphi was a term of long standing, the sense of which was no longer understood: yet the sound was retained by the Greeks, and used for a customary exclamation. In respect to the more antient exordia above quoted, especially that of Terpander, I take the words to be an imitation, rather than a translation, of a hymn sung at Delphi in the antient Amonian language; the sound of which has been copied, rather than the sense, and adapted to modern terms of a different meaning. I make no doubt but that there were many antient hymns preserved in those oracular temples, which were for a long time retained, and sung, when their meaning was very imperfectly known. They were, for the most part, composed in praise of Ham, or the Sun; and were sung by the Homeridæ, and Iämidæ. They were called after his titles, Ad, Athyr, Amphi, which the Grecians expressed Dithyrambi. They were strains of joy and exultation, attended with grand processions: and from the same term, dithyrambus, was derived the θριαμβος of the Greeks, and the triumphus of the Romans. We are informed that triumphs were first instituted by ^[780]Bacchus, who was no other than Chus: the history, therefore, of the term must be sought for from among the Cuseans. That it was made up of titles, is plain, from its being said by Varro to have been a ^[781]name; and one that was given by the Amonians among other personages to Dionusus: for they were not in this point uniform. Diodorus takes notice that it was a name, and conferred upon the person spoken of: ^[782]Θριαμβον δε αυτον ωνομασθηναι φασι: They say, that one of the titles given to Dionusus was Thriambus. Ham, in the very antient accounts of Greece, is called Iämus, and his priests Iämidæ. His oracle, in consequence of this, was styled Iämphi, and Iämbi, which was the same term as Amphi, of which we have been treating. From the name Iambi came the measure Ιαμβος, Iambus, in which oracles were of old delivered. Ham, among the Egyptians, was called ^[783]Tithrambo, which is the same name as the Ditherambus of Diodorus. There is a remarkable passage in the Scholia upon Pindar concerning Ham, under the name of Iamus, and also concerning his temple, which is represented as oracular. ^[784] Μαντειον ην εν Ολυμπιᾳ, ὁυ αρχηγος γεγονεν Ιαμος, τῃ δια εμπυρων μαντειᾳ, ἡ και μεχρι του νυν ὁι Ιαμιδαι χρωνται. There was in Olympia an antient temple, esteemed a famous seat of prophecy, in which Iamus is supposed to have first presided; and where the will of the Deity was made manifest by the sacred fire upon the altar: this kind of divination is still carried on by a set of priests, who are called Iamidæ. Ιαμος αρχηγος was in reality the Deity; and his attendants were ^[785]Iamidæ, persons of great power and repute. Εξ ὁυ πολυκλειτον καθ' Ἑλλανος γενος Ιαμιδων. Pindar. Iämus was immortal, and was therefore named αθανατος.

From hence we may be assured, that he was of old the real Deity of the place.

I have mentioned, that in the sacred processions in early times the Deity used to be carried about in a shrine; which circumstance was always attended with shouts, and exclamations, and the whole was accompanied with a great concourse of people. The antient Greeks styled these celebrities the procession of the ^[787]P'omphi, and from hence were derived the words πομπη, and pompa. These originally related to a procession of the oracle: but were afterwards made use of to describe any cavalcade or show. In the time of Herodotus the word seems in some degree to have retained its true meaning, being by him used for the oracular influence. He informs us that Amphilutus was a diviner of Acharnan; and that he came to Pisistratus with a commission from heaven. By this he induced that prince to prosecute a scheme which he recommended. ^[788] Ενταυθα θειῃ πομπῃ χρεωμενος παρισταται Πεισιστρατῳ Αμφιλυτος.—Θειη πομπη is a divine revelation, or commission. Ham was the Hermes of the Egyptians, and his oracle, as I have shewn, was styled Omphi: and when particularly spoken of as the oracle, it was expressed P'omphi, and P'ompi, the πομπη of the Greeks. Hence Hermes had the name of πομπαιος, which was misinterpreted the messenger, and conductor: and the Deity was in consequence of it made the servant of the Gods, and attendant upon the dead. But πομπαιος related properly to divine influence; and πομπη was an oracle. An ox, or cow, was by the Amonians esteemed very sacred, and oracular: Cadmus was accordingly said to have been directed πομπῃ βοος.

Many places were from the oracle styled P'ompean: and supposed by the Romans to have been so named from Pompeius Magnus; but they were too numerous, and too remote to have been denominated from him, or any other Roman. There was indeed Pompeiæ in Campania: but even that was of too high antiquity to have received its name from Rome. We read of Pompeiæ among the Pyrenees, Pompion in Athens, Pompelon in Spain, Pompeditha in Babylonia, Pomponiana in Gaul. There were some cities in Cilicia and Cappadocia, to which that Roman gave the name of Pompeipolis: but upon, inquiry they will be found to have been Zeleian cities, which were oracular: go that the Romans only gave a turn to the name in honour of their own countryman, by whom these cities were taken.

Besides the cities styled Pompean, there were pillars named in like manner; which by many have been referred to the same person. But they could not have been built by him, nor were they erected to his memory: as I think we may learn from their history. There are two of this denomination still remaining at a great distance from each other: both which seem to have been raised for a religious purpose. The one stands in Egypt at ^[790]Alexandria; the other at the extreme point of the Thracian Bosporus, where is a communication between the Propontis and the antient Euxine sea. They seem to be of great antiquity, as their basis witnesses at this day: the shaft and superstructure is of later date. The pillar at the Bosporus stands upon one of the Cyanean rocks: and its parts, as we may judge from ^[791]Wheeler, betray a difference in their æra. It was repaired in the time of Augustus: and an inscription was added by the person who erected the column, and who dedicated the whole to that Emperor.

^[792]DIVO. CAESARI. AUGUSTO.
E.. CL... ANDIDIUS...
L. F CL. ARGENTO...

We may learn from the inscription, however mutilated, that this pillar was not the work of Pompeius Magnus; nor could it at all relate to his history: for the time of its being rebuilt was but little removed from the age in which he lived. The original work must have therefore been far prior. The pillar in Egypt is doubtless the same which was built upon the ruins of a former, by Sostratus of Cnidos, before the time of Pompeius: so that the name must have been given on another account. The inscription is preserved by ^[793]Strabo.

ΣΩΣΤΡΑΤΟΣ ΚΝΙΔΙΟΣ
ΔΕΞΙΦΑΝΟΥΣ
ΘΕΟΙΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΣΙΝ
YΠΕΡ ΤΩΝ
ΠΛΩΙΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ.

The narrow streight into the Euxine sea was a passage of difficult navigation. This was the reason, that upon each side there were temples and sacred columns erected to the Deity of the country, in order to obtain his assistance. And there is room to think, that the pillars and obelisks were made use of for beacons, and that every temple was a Pharos. They seem to have been erected at the entrance of harbours; and upon eminences along the coasts in most countries. The pillars of Hercules were of this sort, and undoubtedly for the same purpose. They were not built by him; but erected to his honour by people who worshipped him, and who were called Herculeans. ^[794]Εθος γαρ παλαιον ὑπηρξε το τιθεσθαι τοιουτους ορους, καθαπερ ὁι Ρηγινοι την στηλιδα εθεσαν, την επι τῳ πορθμῳ κειμενην, πυργον τι. Και ο Πελωρος λεγομενος πυργος αντικειται τῃ ταυτῃ στηλιδι. For it was a custom, says Strabo, among the antients, to erect this kind of land-marks, such as the pillar at Rhegium, near the foot of Italy: which is a kind of tower, and was raised by the people of Rhegium at the streight where the passage was to Sicily. Directly opposite stood another building of the same sort, called the tower of Pelorus. Such Pillars were by the Iberians styled Herculean, because they were sacred to Hercules; under which title they worshipped the chief Deity. Some of these were near Gades, and Onoba^[795], Κατ' Ονοβαν της Ιβηριας: others were erected still higher, on the coast of Lusitania. This caused an idle dispute between Eratosthenes, Dicæarchus, and ^[796]others, in order to determine which were the genuine pillars of Hercules: as if they were not all equally genuine; all denominated from the Deity of the country. Two of the most celebrated stood upon each side of the Mediterranean at the noted passage called fretum Gaditanum—κατα τα ακρα του πορθμου. That on the Mauritanian side was called Abyla, from Ab-El, parens Sol: the other in Iberia had the name of^[797] Calpe. This was an obelisk or tower, and a compound of Ca-Alpe, and signifies the house, or cavern of the same oracular God: for it was built near a cave; and all such recesses were esteemed to be oracular. At places of this sort mariners used to come on shore to make their offerings; and to inquire about the success of their voyage. They more especially resorted to those towers, and pillars, which stood at the entrance of their own havens. Nobody, says ^[798]Arrian, will venture to quit his harbour without paying due offerings to the Gods, and invoking their favour. Helenus in Virgil charges Æneas, whatever may be the consequence, not to neglect consulting the oracle at Cuma.

The island Delos was particularly frequented upon this account; and the sailors seem to have undergone some severe discipline at the altar of the God, in order to obtain his favour.

This island was greatly esteemed for its sanctity, and there used to be a wonderful concourse of people from all nations continually resorting to its temple. The priests, in consequence of it, had hymns composed in almost all languages. It is moreover said of the female attendants, that they could imitate the speech of various people; and were well versed in the histories of foreign parts, and of antient times. Homer speaks of these extraordinary qualifications as if he had been an eye-witness:

The offerings made at these places used to be of various kinds, but particularly of liba, or cakes, which were generally denominated from the temple where they were presented. A curious inscription to this purpose has been preserved by Spon and Wheeler, which belonged to some obelisk or temple upon the Thracian Bosporus. It was found on the Asiatic side, nearly opposite to the Pompean pillar, of which I before took notice. The Deity to whom it was inscribed was the same as that above, but called by another title, Aur, and Our, אור; rendered by the Greeks ^[802]Ουριος; and changed in acceptation so as to refer to another element.

The Iapygian promontory had a temple to the same God, whose name by Dionysius is rendered Ὑριος.

The more difficult the navigation was, the more places of sanctity were erected upon the coast. The Bosporus was esteemed a dangerous pass; and, upon that account, abounded with Cippi, and altars. These were originally mounds of earth, and sacred to the Sun: upon which account they were called Col-On, or altars of that Deity. From hence is derived the term Colona, and Κολωνη. It came at last to denote any ness or foreland; but was originally the name of a sacred hill, and of the pillar which was placed upon it. To say the truth, there was of old hardly any headland but what had its temple or altar. The Bosporus, in particular, had numbers of them by way of sea-marks, as well as for sacred purposes: and there were many upon the coast of Greece. Hence Apollonius says of the Argonauts:

In another place of the Bosporus—

The like occurs in the Orphic Argonauts, where Beleus is pointing out the habitation of the Centaur Chiron:

These Colonæ were sacred to the Apollo of Greece; and, as they were sea-marks and beacons, which stood on eminences near the mouths of rivers, and at the entrances of harbours, it caused them to be called ωρια, ουρεα, and ὁρμοι. Homer gives a beautiful description of such hills and headlands, and of the sea-coast projected in a beautiful landscape beneath, when, in some ravishing poetry, he makes all these places rejoice at the birth of Apollo:

Apollo, from this circumstance, was often called επακτιος, or the tutelary God of the coast; and had particular offerings upon that account.

It was not only upon rocks and eminences that these Cippi and Obelisks were placed by the antients: they were to be found in their temples, where for many ages a rude stock or stone served for a representation of the Deity. They were sometimes quite shapeless, but generally of a conical figure; of which we meet with many instances. Clemens Alexandrinus takes notice of this kind of ^[810]worship: and Pausanias, in describing the temple of Hercules at Hyettus in ^[811]Bœotia, tells us, that there was no statue in it, nor any work of art, but merely a rude stone, after the manner of the first ages. Tertullian gives a like description of Ceres and Pallas. Pallas Attica, et Ceres ^[812]Phrygia—quæ sine effigie, rudi palo, et informi specie prostant. Juno of Samos was little better than a ^[813]post. It sometimes happens that aged trees bear a faint likeness to the human fabric: roots, likewise, and sprays, are often so fantastic in their evolutions, as to betray a remote resemblance. The antients seem to have taken advantage of this fancied similitude, which they improved by a little art; and their first effort towards imagery was from these rude and rotten materials. Apollonius Rhodius, in his account of the Argonauts, gives a description of a monument of this sort, which was by them erected in a dark grove, upon a mountainous part of ^[814]Bithynia. They raised an altar of rough stones, and placed near it an image of Rhea, which they formed from an arm or stump of an old vine.

The same circumstance is mentioned in the Orphic Argonautics^[815]; where the poet speaks of Argus, and the vine branch:

The Amazonians were a very antient people, who worshipped their provincial Deity under the character of a female, and by the titles of Artemis, Oupis, Hippa. They first built a temple at Ephesus; and according to Callimachus ^[816]the image of the Goddess was formed of the stump of a beech tree.

Instead of an image made of a stump, the poet Dionysius supposes a temple to have been built beneath the trunk of a decayed tree.

It is observable, that the Chinese, as well as the people of Japan, still retain something of this custom. When they meet with an uncouth root, or spray of a tree, they humour the extravagance: and, by the addition of a face, give it the look of a Joss or Bonzee, just as fancy directs them.

The vine was esteemed sacred both to Dionusus, and Bacchus; for they were two different personages, though confounded by the Grecians: indeed the titles of all those, who were originally styled Baalim, are blended together. This tree had therefore the name of Ampel, which the Greeks rendered Αμπελος, from the Sun, Ham, whose peculiar plant it was. This title is the same as Omphel before mentioned, and relates to the oracular Deity of the Pagan world; under which character Ham was principally alluded to. The Egyptian and Asiatic Greeks had some imperfect traditions about Ham, and Chus: the latter of which they esteemed Bacchus. And as the term Ampelus did not primarily relate to the vine, but was a sacred name transferred from the Deity, they had some notion of this circumstance: but as it was their custom out of every title to form a new personage, they have supposed Ampelus to have been a youth of great beauty, and one whom Bacchus particularly favoured. Hence Nonnus introduces the former begging of Selene not to envy him this happiness.

The worship of Ham was introduced by the Amonians in Phrygia and Asia Minor: and in those parts the Poet makes Ampelus chiefly conversant.

He speaks of his bathing in the waters, and rising with fresh beauty from the stream, like the morning star from the ocean.

In all these instances there are allusions to a history, which will hereafter be fully discussed. Ovid seems to make Ampelus a native of Thrace; and supposes him to have been the son of a satyr by one of the nymphs in that country:

But however they may have mistaken this personage, it is certain that in early times he was well known, and highly reverenced. Hence wherever the Amonians settled, the name of Ampelus will occur: and many places will be found to have been denominated from the worship of the Deity under this sacred title. We learn from Stephanus Byzantinus, ^[822]that, according to Hecatæus, in his Europa, Ampelus was the name of a city in Liguria. There was likewise a promontory in the district of Torone called Ampelus: a like promontory in Samos: another in Cyrene. Agrœtas mentions two cities there, an upper, and a lower, of that name. There was likewise a harbour in Italy so called. We read of a city ^[823]Ampeloëssa in Syria, and a nation in Lybia called Ampeliotæ: Αμπελιωται δε εθνος Λιβυης. Suidas. Also, Ampelona in Arabia; and a promontory, Ampelusia, near Tingis, in Mauritania. In all these places, however distant, the Amonians had made settlements. Over against the island Samos stood the sacred promontory, Mycale, in Ionia. This, too, was called Ampelus, according to Hesychius, as the passage is happily altered by Albertus and others. Αμπελος, μηχανη, και ακρα Μυκαλης, ηγουν ορους. From the words ηγουν ορους one might infer, that Ampelus was no uncommon name for a mountain in general: so far is certain, that many such were so denominated: which name could not relate to αμπελος, the vine; but they were so called from the Deity to whom they were ^[824]sacred. Many of these places were barren crags, and rocks of the sea, ill suited to the cultivation of the ^[825]vine. And not only eminences were so called, but the strand and shores, also, for the same reason: because here, too, were altars and pillars to this God. Hence we read in Hesychius: Αμπελος—αιγιαλος—Κυρηναιοις αιγιαλος. By Ampelus is signified the sea shore; or Ampelus, among the people of Cyrene, signifies the sea shore.

From what has been said, we may be assured that Ampelus and Omphalus were the same term originally, however varied afterwards and differently appropriated. They are each a compound from Omphe, and relate to the oracular Deity. Ampelus, at Mycale, in Ionia, was confessedly so denominated from its being a sacred^[826] place, and abounding with waters; by which, people who drank them were supposed to be inspired. They are mentioned in an antient oracle quoted by Eusebius^[827]: Εν Διδυμον γυαλοις Μυκαλησιον ΕΝΘΕΟΝ ὑδωρ. I have mentioned that all fountains were esteemed sacred, but especially those which had any præternatural quality, and abounded with exhalations. It was an universal notion that a divine energy proceeded from these effluvia, and that the persons who resided in their vicinity were gifted with a prophetic quality. Fountains of this nature, from the divine influence with which they were supposed to abound, the Amonians styled Ain Omphe, sive fontes Oraculi. These terms, which denoted the fountain of the prophetic God, the Greeks contracted to Νυμφη, a Nymph; and supposed such a person to be an inferior Goddess, who presided over waters. Hot springs were imagined to be more immediately under the inspection of the nymphs: whence Pindar styles such fountains, ^[828]Θερμα Νυμφαν λουτρα. The temple of the Nymphæ Ionides, in Arcadia, stood close to a fountain of great ^[829]efficacy. The term Nympha will be found always to have a reference to ^[830]water. There was in the same region of the Peloponnesus a place called Νυμφας, Nymphas; which was undoubtedly so named from its hot springs: ^[831]Καταῤῥειται γαρ ὑδατι—Νυμφας: for Nymphas—abounded with waters. Another name for these places was Ain-Ades, the fountain of Ades, or the Sun; which, in like manner, was changed to Ναιαδες, Naiades, a species of Deities of the same class. Fountains of bitumen, in Susiana and Babylonia, were called Ain-Aptha, the fountains of Aptha, the God of fire; which by the Greeks was rendered Naptha, a name given to ^[832]bitumen. As they changed Ain Omphe to Numpha, a Goddess, they accordingly denominated the place itself Νυμφειον, Nymphæum: and wherever a place occurs of that name, there will be found something particular in its circumstances. We are told by ^[833]Pliny that the river Tigris, being stopped in its course by the mountains of Taurus, loses itself under ground, and rises again on the other side at Nymphæum. According to Marcellinus, it seems to be at Nymphæum that it sinks into the earth. Be it as it may, this, he tells us, is the place where that fiery matter called naptha issued: from whence, undoubtedly, the place had its name. ^[834]Bitumen nascitur prope lacum Sosingitem, cujus alveo Tigris voratus, fluensque subterraneus, procursis spatiis longis, emergit. Hic et Naptha gignitur specie piceâ. In his pagis hiatus conspicitur terræ, unde halitus lethalis exsurgens, quodcunque animal prope consistit, odore gravi consumit. There was an island of the like nature at the mouth of the river Indus, which was sacred to the Sun, and styled Cubile ^[835]Nympharum: in quâ nullum non animal absumitur. In Athamania was a temple of the Nymphs, or ^[836]Nymphæum; and near it a fountain of fire, which consumed things brought near to it. Hard by Apollonia was an eruption of bituminous matter, like that in Assyria: and this too was named ^[837]Nymphæum. The same author (Strabo) mentions, that in Seleucia, styled Pieria, there was alike bituminous eruption, taken notice of by Posidonius; and that it was called Ampelitis: ^[838]Την Αμπελιτην γην ασφαλτωδη, την εν Σελευκειᾳ τη Πιεριᾳ μεταλλευομενην. The hot streams, and poisonous effluvia near Puteoli and lake Avernus are well known. It was esteemed a place of great sanctity; and people of a prophetic character are said to have here resided. Here was a ^[839]Nymphæum, supposed to have been an oracular temple. There was a method of divination at Rome, mentioned by ^[840]Dion Cassius, in which people formed their judgment of future events from the steam of lighted frankincense. The terms of inquiry were remarkable: for their curiosity was indulged in respect to every future contingency, excepting death and marriage. The place of divination was here too called ^[841]Nymphæum. Pausanias takes notice of a cavern near Platea, which was sacred to the Nymphs of Cithæron: Ὑπερ δε της κορυφης, εφ' ᾑ τον βωμον ποιουνται, πεντε που μαλιστα και δεκα ὑποκαταβαντι σταδιους ΝYΜΦΩΝ εστιν αντρον Κιθαιρωνιδων—ΜΑΝΤΕΥΕΣΘΑΙ δε τας Νυμφας το αρχαιον αυτοθι εχει λογος. We find that the Nymphs of this place had been of old prophetic. Evagrius mentions a splendid building at Antioch called Nymphæum, remarkable ^[842]Ναματων πλουτῳ, for the advantage of its waters. There was a Nymphæum at Rome mentioned by Marcellinus. ^[843]Septemzodium celebrem locum, ubi Nymphæum Marcus condidit Imperator. Here were the Thermæ Antonianæ. As from Ain Ompha came Nympha; so from Al Ompha was derived Lympha. This differed from Aqua, or common water, as being of a sacred and prophetic nature. The antients thought, that all mad persons were gifted with divination; and they were in consequence of it styled Lymphati.

From what has preceded, we may perceive that there once existed a wonderful resemblance in the rites, customs, and terms of worship, among nations widely separated. Of this, as I proceed, many instances will be continually produced. I have already mentioned that this similitude in terms, and the religious system, which was so widely propagated, were owing to one great family, who spread themselves almost universally. Their colonies went abroad under the sanction and direction of their priests; and carried with them both the rites and the records of their country. Celsus took notice of this; and thought that people payed too little attention to memorials of this nature. He mentions particularly the oracular temples at Dodona, at Delphi, at Claros, with those of the Branchidæ and Amonians: at the same time passing over many other places, from whose priests and votaries the whole earth seemed to have been peopled^[844]. Τα μεν ὑπο της Πυθιας, η Δωδωνιων, η Κλαριου, η εν Βραγχιδαις, η εν Αμμωνος, ὑπο μυριων τε αλλων θεοπροπων προειρημενα, ὑφ' ὡν επιεικως πασα γη κατῳκισθη, ταυτα μεν ουδενι λογῳ τιθενται. As colonies went abroad under the influence and direction of their tutelary Deities; those Deities were styled Ἡγεμονες, and Αρχηγεται: and the colony was denominated from some sacred title of the God. A colony was planted at Miletus; of which the conducting Deity was Diana. ^[845]Σε γαρ ποιησατο Νηλευς Ἡγεμονην. This Goddess is styled πολυπτολις, because this office was particularly ascribed to her: and she had many places under her patronage. Jupiter accordingly tells her:

Apollo likewise was called Οικτιστης and Αρχηγετης, from being the supposed founder of cities; which were generally built in consequence of some oracle.

What colony, says ^[848]Cicero, did Greece ever send into Ætolia, Ionia, Asia, Sicily or Italy, without having first consulted about every circumstance relative to it, either at Delphi, or Dodona, or at the oracle of Ammon. And Lucian speaks to the same purpose. ^[849]Ουτε πολεας ῳκιζον, ουδε τειχεα περιεβαλλοντο—πριν αν δη παρα Μαντεων ακουσαι ἑκαστα. People would not venture to build cities, nor even raise the walls, till they had made proper inquiry among those, who were prophetically gifted, about the success of their operations.

Footnotes

[715] Numbers. c. 22. v. 41. Leviticus. c. 26. v. 30.

[716] 2 Kings. c. 16. v. 3, 4.

[717] 1 Kings. c. 22. v. 43. 2 Kings. c. 12. v. 3. c. 15. v. 4-35.

[718] There were two sorts of high places. The one was a natural eminence; a hill or mountain of the earth. The other was a factitious mound, of which I shall hereafter treat at large.

[719] Numbers. c. 22. v. 41. and c. 23. v. 14-28.

[720] Preface of Demetrius Moschus to Orpheus de Lapidibus—Θειοδαμαντι του Πριαμου συνηντησεν Ορφευς—κτλ.

[721] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1064.

Περσας επι τα ὑψηλοτατα των ορεων θυσιας ερδειν. Herodotus. l. 2. c. 131.

Some nations, instead of an image, worshipped the hill as the Deity—Επεφημισαν δε και Διι αγαλματα ὁι πρωτοι ανθρωποι κορυφας ορον, Ολυμπον, και Ιδην, και ει τι αλλο ορος πλησιαζει τῳ Ουρανῳ. Maximus Tyrius Dissert. 8. p. 79.

[722] Appian de Bello Mithridatico. p. 215. Edit. Steph. He, by an hyperbole, makes the pile larger than the apex on which it stood.

[723] Virgil. l. 5. v. 760.

[724] Hist. Japan. vol. 2d. book 5. c. 3. p. 417.

[725] Παν δε ορος του Διος ορος ονομαζεται, επει εθος ην τοις παλαιοις ὑψιστω οντι τῳ Θεῳ ην υψει θυσιας ποιεισθαι. Melanthes de Sacrificijs. See Natalis Comes. l. 1. 10.

[726] Ομφη, θεια κληδων. Hesych. It was sometimes expressed without the aspirate, αμβη: hence the place of the oracle was styled Ambon, αμβων. Αμβων, ἁι προσαναβασεις των ορων. Hesych.

[727] Τον Ομφιν ευεργετην ὁ Ἑρμαιος φησι δηλουν ἑρμηνευομενον. Plutarch: Isis et Osiris. vol. 1. p. 368.

[728] Ολυμποι εισιν ἑξ—κλ. Scholia upon Apollonius Rhodius. l. 1. v. 598.

[729] Many places styled Olympus and Olympian.

In Lycia: Ολυμπος μεγαλη πολις, και ὁρος ὁμωνυμον. Strabo. l. 14. p. 982.

Ολυμπη πολις Ιλλυριας. Stephanus Byzantinus.

In Cyprus: Αμαθος πολις, και ορος μαστοειδες Ολυμπος. Strabo. l. 14. p. 1001.

Ἡδε ακρορεια καλειται Ολυμπος. Strabo. Ibidem.

Josephus mentions the temple of Olympian Zeus at Tyre. Antiq. Jud. l. 8. c. 1.

At Megara in Greece: Τεμενος Ολυμπειον. Pausanias. l. 1. p. 97.

In Elis: Ἡ Ολυμπια πρωτον Κρονιος λοφος ελεγετο. Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 42.

In Attica: Ναος Κρονου, και Ῥεας, και τεμενος την επικλησιν Ολυμπιας. Pausan. l. 1. p. 43.

In Achaia: Διος Ολυμπιου ναος. Pausan. l. 2. p. 123.

At Delos: Ολυμπειον, τοπος εν Δηλωι. Stephanus Byzantinus. Εστι και πολις Παμφυλιας.

Libya was called Olympia. Stephanus Byzant.

The moon called Olympias: Ἡ γαρ Σεληνη παρ' Αιγυπτιοις κυριως Ολυμπιας καλειται. Eusebii Chron. p. 45. l. 10.

The earth itself called Olympia by Plutarch, who mentions της Γης Ολυμπιας ἱερον in Theseus, by which is meant the temple of the Prophetic Earth.

Many other instances might be produced.

[730] Sophocles: Œdipus Tyrannus. v. 487.

Ομφαλον εριβρομου Χθονος. Pind. Pyth. Ode 6. v. 3.

Ορθοδικαν Γας ομφαλον κελαδητε. Pind. Pyth. Ode 11. antist.

[731] Euripides in Ione. v. 233.

Μεσομφαλος Εστια. v. 461.

[732] Titus Livius. l. 38. c. 47.

[733] Strabo. l. 9. p. 642.

[734] Varro de Ling. Lat. l. 6. p. 68.

Pausanias gives this account of the omphalus at Delphi. Τον δε ὑπο Δελφων καλουμενον ομφαλον λιθου πεποιημενον λευκου, τουτο ειναι το εν μεσῳ γης πασης αυτοι λεγουσιν ὁι Δελφοι· δεικνυται τε και ομφαλος ΤΙΣ εν τῳ ναῳ τιταινωμενος. Pausan. l. 10. p. 835.

It is described by Tatianus, but in a different manner. Εν τῳ τεμενει του Λητοϊδου καλειται τις ομφαλος. Ὁδε ομφαλος ταφος εστιν Διονυσου. p. 251. Oratio contra Græcos.

[735] Plutarch περι λελοιπ. Χρηστηρ.

[736] Horus Apollo. § 21. p. 30. edit. 1729.

[737] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 141. It is spoken of Phliuns, far removed from the centre of the Peloponnesus.

[738] This omphalus was near the Plutonian cavern. Diodorus. l. 5.

[739] Homer. Odyss. l. α. v. 50.

[740] Stephanus Byzantinus. The natives were also styled Pyrrhidæ; and the country Chaonia from the temple Cha-On, οικος ἡλιου.

[741] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 7.

[742] Strabo. l. 8. p. 542.

[743] By Livy called Aliphira. l. 32. c. 5.

In Messenia was a city Amphia—Πολισμα επι λοφου ὑψηλου κειμενον. Pausan. l. 4. p. 292. The country was called Amphia.

[744] Αλφειονιας Αρτεμιδος, η Αλφειουσης αλσος. Strabo. l. 8. p. 528.

[745] Plutarch de Fluminibus—Αλφειος.

Alpheus, said to be one of the twelve principal and most antient Deities, called συμβωμοι; who are enumerated by the Scholiast upon Pindar. Βωμοι διδυμοι, πρωτος Διος και Ποσειδωνος—κτλ. Olymp. Ode. 5.

[746] Stephanus Byzant. Ομφαλιον. It was properly in Epirus, where was the oracle of Dodona, and whose people were styled Ομφαλιηεις above.

[747] Ομφαλιον, τοπος Κρητης·— Steph. Byzant. Εστι δε εν Κρητικοις ορεσι και κατ' εμε ετι Ελωρος πολις. Strabo. l. 10. p. 834. Eluros—אל אור.

[748] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 337.

[749] Callimachus. Hymn to Jupiter. v. 42.

[750] Quintus Curtius. l. 4. c. 7. p. 154. Varior.

[751] Hyde of the Umbilicus. Relig. vet. Persarum. Appendix 3. p. 527.

[752] That Olympus and Olympia were of Egyptian original, is manifest from Eusebius; who tells us, that in Egypt the moon was called Olympias; and that the Zodiac in the heavens had antiently the name of Olympus. Ἡ γαρ Σεληνη παρ' Αιγυπτιοις κυριος Ολυμπιας καλειται, δια το κατα μηνα περιπολειν τον Ζωδιακον κυκλον, ον ὁι παλαιοι αυτων ΟΛYΜΠΟΝ εκαλουν. Chronicon. p. 45. l. 9. The reason given is idle: but the fact is worth attending to.

Olympus was the supposed præceptor of Jupiter. Diodorus. l. 3. p. 206.

[753] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 241.

[754] Επι νεως περιφερεται χρυσης ὑπο Ἱερων ογδοηκοντα (ὁ Θεος). Ὁυτοι δε επι των ωμων φεροντες τον θεον προαγουσιν αυτοματως, ὁπου αγοι το του θεου νευμα τον πορειαν. Diodorus. l. 17. p. 528.

It is observable, that this historian does not mention an omphalus: but says, that it was a statue, ξοανον, which was carried about.

[755] Bochart. Canaan. l. 1. c. 40.

[756] Ομφη, θεια κληδων, ὁ εστιν οναρ. Schol. on Homer. Iliad. Β. v. 41.

[757] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. l. 5. p. 194.

One title of Jupiter was Πανομφαιος.

Ενθα Πανομφαιῳ Ζηνι ῥηζεσκον Αχαιοι. Homer. Iliad. Θ. v. 250.

Ara Panomphæo vetus est sacrata Tonanti. Ovid. Metamorph. l. 11. v. 198.

[758] Pocock's Egypt. p. 108. Plate xlii.

[759] Pocock. Plate xxxix. p. 105.

[760] He sent messengers to Balaam the son of Beor to Pethor. Numbers. c. 22. v. 5.

[761] We learn from Numbers. c. 22. v. 36. and c. 31. v. 8. that the residence of Balaam was in Midian, on the other side of the river to the south, beyond the borders of Moab. This seems to have been the situation of Petra; which was either in Midian or upon the borders of it: so that Pethor, and Petra, were probably the same place. Petra is by the English traveller, Sandys, said to be called now Rath Alilat.

Petra by some is called a city of Palestine: Πετρα πολις Παλαιστινης. Suidas. But it was properly in Arabia, not far from Idume, or Edom. See Relandi Palæstina. p. 930. and Strabo. l. 16.

[762] The Ammonites were a mixed race; being both of Egyptian and Ethiopic original: Αιγυπτιων και Αιθιοπων αποικοι. Herod. l. 2. c. 42.

[763] Pocock's Egypt. vol. 1. plate xlii.

[764] Luxorein by Norden, called Lucorein. It was probably erected to the Sun and Ouranus, and one of the first temples upon earth.

[765] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 4. v. 1052.

Mopsus was the son of Ampycus. Hygin. Fab. c. cxxviii. By some he is said to have been the son of Apollo. Apollo and Ampycus were the same.

[766] Orphic. Argonaut. v. 720.

[767] Ibidem. v. 185.

[768] Justin. Martyr. Apolog. p. 54.

Amphilochus was the God of light and prophecy. Plutarch mentions εξ Αμφιλοχου μαντεια, in the treatise περι βραδεως τιμωρουμενων. p. 563.

[769] Cohortatio. p. 10.

[770] Lycophron. v. 1163.

[771] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 896.

[772] Hence the prophetic Sibyl in Virgil is styled Amphrysia vates. Virgil. Æn. l. 6. v. 368.

[773] Plin. l. 4. c. 12. Strabo. l. 10. Called Mallus, by Pausanias, Εν Μαλλῳ μαντειον αψευδεστατον. l. 1. p. 84.

[774] Λεγεται δε ὑπο των Αμφικλειεων μαντιν τε σφισι τον Θεον τουτοι, και βοηθον νοσοις καθισταναι—προμαντευς δε ὁ ἱερευς εστι. Pausanias. l. 10. p. 884. The city was also called Ophitea.

[775] Aristophanes. Νεφελαι. v. 595.

[776] See Scholia to Aristoph. v. 595.

[777] Ibidem.

[778] We meet with the like in the Orphica.

So in Pindar. Κελαδοντι μοι αμφι Κινυραν. Pyth. Ode 2. p. 203.

We have the same from the Tripod itself.

[779] Hymn to Venus of Salamis. See Homer Didymi. vol. 2. p. 528.

The names of the sacred hymns, as mentioned by Proclus in his Χρηστομαθεια, were Παιανες, Διθυραμβος, Αδωνις, Ιο Βακχον, Ὑπορχηματα, Εγκωμια, Ευκτικα. Photius. c. 236. p. 983.

[780] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 213.

[781] Idque a Θριαμβῳ Græco, Liberi Patris cognomento. Varro de linguâ Lat. l. 5. p. 58.

[782] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 213.

[783] Epiphanius—adversus Hæres. l. 3. p. 1093.

[784] Pindar. Olympic Ode vi. p. 53.

Iamus, supposed by Pindar to have been the son of Apollo; but he was the same as Apollo and Osiris. He makes Apollo afford him the gift of prophecy:

[785] Of the Iamidæ, see Herodotus. l. v. c. 44. l. ix. c. 33.

[786] Pindar. Ibidem. p. 51.

[787] Pi is the antient Egyptian prefix.

[788] Herodotus. l. 1. c. 62. p. 30.

[789] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 3. v. 1180.

An ox or cow from being oracular was styled Alphi as well as Omphi. Hence Plutarch speaks of Cadmus: Ὁν φασι το αλφα παντων προταξαι. δια το Φοινικας ὁυτω καλειν τον βουν. Sympos. Quæst. 9. 3.

[790] In insulâ Pharo. Pliny. l. 36. c. 12.

[791] Wheeler's Travels, p. 207.

[792] Wheeler. p. 204. Sandys's travels. p. 32.

[793] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1141.

[794] Strabo. l. 3. p. 259.

[795] Strabo. l. 2. p. 258.

[796] Strabo. Ibidem. Ou-Ob. Sol. Pytho. Onoba, regio Solis Pythonis.

[797] Strabo calls the African pillar Abyluca; which is commonly rendered Abila.—Ενιοι δε στηλας ὑπελαβον την Καλπην, και την Αβυλυκα—κτλ. Ibidem. Ab-El-Uc, and Ca-Alpe.

Calpe is now called Gibel-Tar, or Gibralter: which name relates to the hill where of old the pillar stood.

[798] —Αλλ' απο λιμενος μεν ουδεις αναγηται, μη θυσας τοις Θεσις, και παρακαλεσας αυτους βοηθους. Arrian upon Epictetus. l. 3. c. 22.

[799] Virgil. l. 3. Æneis.

[800] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 3l6.

[801] Homer. Hymn to Apollo, v. 156.

Helen is said to have been a mimic of this sort.

[802] Το ἱερον του Ουριου απεχει απο του Βυζαντιου σταδια ρκ· γινονται δε μιλια ιϛ. και εστι στενοτατον το στομα του Ποντου καλουμενον. Anon. Descript. Ponti Euxini.

[803] See Spon. and Wheeler's travels. p. 209.

[804] Dionysius περιηγης. v. 380.

[805] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 1. v. 601.

[806] Ibid. l. 1. v. 1114.

In another place,

[807] Orphic Argonaut. v. 375.

[808] Homer's Hymn to Apollo.

[809] Orphic Argonaut. v. 1295.

Sophocles calls the sea coast παραβωμιος ακτη, from the numbers of altars. Œdipus Tyrannus. v. 193.

The like province was attributed to the supposed sister of Apollo, Diana: Jupiter tells her—

And, in another place:

[810] Πριν γε ουν ακριβωθηναι τας των αγαλματων σχεσεις, κιονας ἱσταντες ὁι παλαιοι εσεβον τουτους, ὡς αφιδρυματα του Θεου. Clemens Alexand. l. 1. p. 418.

[811] —Οντος ουχι αγαλματος συν τεχνῃ, λιθου δε αργου κατα το αρχαιον. Pausan. l. 9. p. 757.

Also of the Thespians: Και σφισιν αγαλμα παλαιοτατον εστιν αργος λιθος. p. 761.

[812] Tertullian adversus Gentes. l. 1. c. 12.

[813] Και το μεν Σαμιας Ἡρας προτερον ην σανις. Clementis Cohort. p. 40.

[814] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 1. v. 1117. p. 115.

[815] Orphic Argonaut. v. 605.

Pliny, l. 16, mentions simulacrum vitigineum.

[816] Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. v. 237.

[817] Πρεμνον—στελεχος, βλαστος, παν ριζωμα δενδρου το γηρασκον· η το αμπελου προς τῃ γη πρεμνον. Hesychius.

Πρεμνιασαι, εκριζωσαι. Ibidem.

[818] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. xi. p. 306.

[819] Nonni Dion. l. x. p. 278.

[820] Nonni Dion. l. xi. p. 296.

[821] Ovid. Fast. l. 3. v. 409.

[822] Αμπελος, πολις της Λιγυστικης· Ἑκεταιος εν Ευρωπῃ· εστι δε ακρα Τορωναιων Αμπελος λεγομενη· εστι και ἑτερα ακρα της Σαμου· και αλλη εν Κυρηνη. Αγροιτας δε δυο πολεις φησι, την μεν ανω, την δε κατῳ· εστι δε και Ιταλιας ακρα, και λιμην. Steph. Byzant.

Καλειται μεν ουν και ακρα τις Αμπελος. Strabo of Samos. l. 14. p. 944.

[823] Ampelusia, called Κωττης ακρον. Ptolemy. l. 4. so named according to Strabo απο Κωτεων, or Κωταιων, not far from a city Zilis, and Cota. See Pliny. l. 5. c. 1.

Promontorium Oceani extimum Ampelusia. Pliny. l. 5. c. 1.

Ampelona. Pliny. l. 6. c. 28.

[824] Απο Αμπελου ακρης επι Καναστραιην ακρην. Herodotus. l. 7. c. 123.

Αμπελος ακρα, in Crete. Ptolemy. See Pliny. l. 4. c. 12.

[825] In Samos was Αμπελος ακρα· εστι δε ουκ ευοινος. Strabo. l. 14. p. 944.

Some places were called more simply Ampe.

See Herodotus of Ampi in the Persian Gulf. l. 6. c. 20.

Αμπη of Tzetzes. See Cellarius.

[826] Μυκαλης χωριον ἱερον. Herodotus. l. 1. c. 148.

[827] Præp. Evan. l. 5. c. 16.

[828] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 12.

Νυμφαι εισι εν τῳ φρεατι. Artemidorus Oneirocrit. l. 2. c. 23.

[829] Νυμφων εστιν ἱερον επι τῃ πηγῃ.—-λουομενοις δε εν τῃ πηγῃ καματων τε εστι και αλγηματων παντων ἱαματα. Pausanias. l. 6. p. 510.

[830] Νυμφικα, and Λουτρα, are put by Hesychius as synonymous.

Omnibus aquis Nymphæ sunt præsidentes. Servius upon Virgil. Eclog. 1.

Thetis was styled Nympha, merely because she was supposed to be water. Thetidem dici voluerunt aquam, unde et Nympha dicta est. Fulgentij Mytholog. c. viii. p. 720.

[831] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 670.

Young women were, by the later Greeks, and by the Romans, styled Nymphæ; but improperly. Nympha vox, Græcorum Νυμφα, non fuit ab origine Virgini sive Puellæ propria: sed solummodo partem corporis denotabat. Ægyptijs, sicut omnia animalia, lapides, frutices, atque herbas, ita omne membrum atque omnia corporis humani loca, aliquo dei titulo mos fuit denotare. Hinc cor nuncupabant Ath, uterum Mathyr, vel Mether: et fontem fœmineum, sicut et alios fontes, nomine Ain Omphe, Græce νυμφη, insignibant: quod ab Ægyptijs ad Græcos derivatum est.—Hinc legimus, Νυμφη πηγη, και νεογαμος γυνη, νυμφην δε καλουσι κτλ. Suidas.

Παρ' Αθηναιοις ἡ του Διος μητηρ, Νυμφη. Ibidem.

[832] Naptha is called Apthas by Simplicius in Categoric. Aristotelis. Και ὁ Αφθας δεχεται ποῤῥωθεν του πυρος ειδος. The same by Gregory Nyssen is contracted, and called, after the Ionic manner, Φθης: ὡσπερ ὁ καλουμενος Φθης εξαπτεται. Liber de animâ. On which account these writers are blamed by the learned Valesius. They are, however, guilty of no mistake; only use the word out of composition. Ain-Aptha, contracted Naptha, was properly the fountain itself: the matter which proceeded from it was styled Apthas, Pthas, and Ptha. It was one of the titles of the God of fire, called Apha-Astus, the Hephastus of the Greeks; to whom this inflammable substance was sacred.

See Valesij notæ in Amm. Marcellinum. l. 23. p. 285.

Epirus was denominated from the worship of fire, and one of its rivers was called the Aphas.

[833] Pliny. l. 31. p. 333.

[834] Marcellinus. l. 23. p. 285.

[835] Pliny. l. 6. p. 326.

[836] Strabo. l. 7. p. 487. See Antigoni Carystii Mirabilia. p. 163.

[837] Εν τῃ χωρᾳ των Απολλωνιατων καλειται τι Νυμφαιον· πετρα δε εστι πυρ αναδιδουσα· ὑπ' αυτῃ δε κρηναι ῥεουσι χλιαρου Ασφαλτου. Strabo. l. 7. p. 487.

[838] Strabo. Ibidem. l. 7. p. 487. He supposes that it was called Ampelitis from αμπελος, the vine: because its waters were good to kill vermin, Ακος της φθειριωσης αμπελου. A far fetched etymology. Neither Strabo, nor Posidonius, whom he quotes, considers that the term is of Syriac original.

[839] Philostrati vita Apollonii. l. 8. c. 4. p. 116.

[840] Dionis Historia Romana. Johannis Resin: Antiq. l. 3. c. 11.

[841] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 718.

[842] Evagrius. l. 3. c. 12.

[843] Marcellinus. l. 15. c. 7. p. 68.

[844] Celsus apud Originem. l. 7. p. 333.

See also Plutarch. de Oraculorum defectu.

[845] Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. v. 226.

[846] Callimachus. Ibid. v. 33.

Πολλας δε ξυνη πολεας.

[847] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 56.

[848] Cicero de Divinatio. l. 1.

[849] Lucian. Astrolog. v. 1. p. 993.

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