Index

A New System; or, an Analysis of Ancient Mythology. Volume II

By Jacob Bryant

TIT and TITH.

When towers were situated upon eminences fashioned very round, they were by the Amonians called Tith; which answers to תד in Hebrew, and to [277]τιτθη, and τιτθος, in Greek. They were so denominated from their resemblance to a woman's breast; and were particularly sacred to Orus and Osiris, the Deities of light, who by the Grecians were represented under the title of Apollo. Hence the summit of Parnassus was [278]named Tithorea, from Tith-Or: and hard by was a city, mentioned by Pausanias, of the same name; which was alike sacred to Orus and Apollo. The same author takes notice of a hill, near Epidaurus, called [279]Τιτθειον ορος Απολλωνος. There was a summit of the like nature at Samos, which, is by Callimachus styled the breast of Parthenia: [280]Διαβροχον ὑδατι μαστον Παρθενιης. Mounds of this nature are often, by Pausanias and Strabo, termed, from their resemblance, [281]μαστοειδεις. Tithonus, whose longevity is so much celebrated, was nothing more than one of these structures, a Pharos, sacred to the sun, as the name plainly shews. Tith-On is μαστος ἑλιου, the mount of the [282]Sun. As he supplied the place of that luminary, he is said to have been beloved by Aurora, and through her favour to have lived many ages. This, indeed, is the reverse of that which is fabled of the [283]Cyclopes, whose history equally relates to edifices. They are said to have raised the jealousy of Apollo, and to have been slain by his arrows: yet it will be found at bottom of the same purport. The Cyclopian turrets upon the Sicilian shore fronted due east: and their lights must necessarily have been extinguished by the rays of the rising Sun. This, I imagine, is the meaning of Apollo's slaying the Cyclopes with his arrows. Tethys, the antient Goddess of the sea, was nothing else but an old tower upon a mount; of the same shape, and erected for the same purposes, as those above. On this account it was called Tith-Is, μαστος πυρος. Thetis seems to have been a transposition of the same name, and was probably a Pharos, or Fire-tower, near the sea.

These mounts, λοφοι μαστοειδεις, were not only in Greece; but in Egypt, Syria, and most parts of the world. They were generally formed by art; being composed of earth, raised very high; which was sloped gradually, and with great exactness: and the top of all was crowned with a fair tower. The situation of these buildings made them be looked upon as places of great safety: and the reverence in which they were held added to the security. On these accounts they were the repositories of much wealth and treasure: in times of peril they were crowded with things of value. In Assyria was a temple named Azara; which the Parthian plundered, and is said to have carried off ten thousand talents: [284]Χαι ηρε παλαντων μυριων γαζαν. The same author mentions two towers of this sort in Judea, not far from Jericho, belonging to Aristobulus and Alexander, and styled [285]Γαζοφυλακια των Τυραννων: which were taken by Pompeius Magnus in his war with the Jews. There were often two of these mounds of equal height in the same inclosure; such as are described by Josephus at Machærus, near some warm fountains. He mentions here a cavern and a rock; [286]σπηλαιον—τῃ πετρᾳ προυχουσῃ σκεπομενον· ταυτης ανωθεν ὡσανει μαστοι δυο ανεχουσιν, αλληλων ολιγῳ διεστωτες: and above it two round hills like breasts, at no great distance from each other. To such as these Solomon alludes, when he makes his beloved say, [287]I am a wall, and my breasts like towers. Though the word חומה, Chumah, or Comah, be generally rendered a wall; yet I should think that in this place it signified the ground which the wall surrounded: an inclosure sacred to Cham, the Sun, who was particularly worshipped in such places. The Mizraïm called these hills Typhon, and the cities where they were erected, Typhonian. But as they stood within inclosures sacred to Chom, they were also styled Choma. This, I imagine, was the meaning of the term in this place, and in some others; where the text alludes to a different nation, and to a foreign mode of worship. In these temples the Sun was principally adored, and the rites of fire celebrated: and this seems to have been the reason why the judgment denounced against them is uniformly, that they shall be destroyed by fire. If we suppose Comah to mean a mere wall, I do not see why fire should be so particularly destined against a part, which is the least combustible. The Deity says, [288]I will kindle a fire in the wall of Damascus. [289]I will send a fire on the wall of Gaza. [290]I will send a fire on the wall of Tyrus. [291]I will kindle a [292]fire in the wall of Rabbah. As the crime which brought down this curse was idolatry, and the term used in all these instances is Chomah; I should think that it related to a temple of Chom, and his high places, called by the Greeks λοφοι μαστοειδεις: and to these the spouse of Solomon certainly alludes, when she Says, εγω τειχος, και ὁι μαστοι μου ὡς πυργοι. This will appear from another passage in Solomon, where he makes his beloved say, [293]We have a little sister, and she hath no breasts. If she be a Comah, we will build upon her a palace of silver. A palace cannot be supposed to be built upon a wall; though it may be inclosed with one. The place for building was a Comah, or eminence. It is said of Jotham, king of Judah, that [294]on the wall of Ophel he built much. Ophel is literally Pytho Sol, the Ophite Deity of Egypt and Canaan. What is here termed a wall, was a Comah, or high place, which had been of old erected to the sun by the Jebusites. This Jotham fortified, and turned it to advantage; whereas before it was not used, or used for a bad purpose. The ground set apart for such use was generally oval; and towards one extremity of the long diameter, as it were in the focus, were these mounds and towers erected. As they were generally royal edifices, and at the same time held sacred; they were termed Tarchon, like Tarchonium in Hetruria: which by a corruption was in later times rendered Trachon, Τραχων. There were two hills of this denomination near Damascus; from whence undoubtedly the Regio Trachonitis received its name: [295]ὑπερκεινται δε αυτης (Δαμασκου) δυο λεγομενοι Τραχωνες. These were hills with towers, and must have been very fair to see to. Solomon takes notice of a hill of this sort upon [296]Lebanon, looking toward Damascus; which he speaks of as a beautiful structure. The term Trachon seems to have been still farther sophisticated by the Greeks, and expressed Δρακων, Dracon: from whence in, great measure arose the notion of treasures being guarded by [297]Dragons. We read of the gardens of the Hesperides being under the protection of a sleepless serpent: and the golden fleece at Colchis was entrusted to such another guardian; of which there is a fine description in Apollonius.

[298]Πυργους εισοψεσθε Κυταεος Αιηταο,

Αλσος τε σκιοεν Αρεος, τοθι κωας επ' ακρης

Πεπταμενον φηγοιο Δρακων, τερας αινον ιδεσθαι,

Αμφις οπιπτευει δεδοκημενος· ουδε ὁι ημαρ,

Ου κνεφας ἡδυμος ὑπνος αναιδεα δαμναται οσσε.

Nonnus often introduces a dragon as a protector of virginity; watching while the damsel slumbered, but sleepless itself: [299]Ὑπναλεης αγρυπνον οπιπτευτηρα κορειης: and in another place he mentions [300]Φρουρον εχεις απελεθρον Οφιν. Such an one guarded the nymph Chalcomeda, [301]Παρθενικης αγαμοιο βοηθοος. The Goddess Proserpine had two [302]dragons to protect her, by the appointment of her mother Demeter.

Such are the poetical representations: but the history at bottom relates to sacred towers, dedicated to the symbolical worship of the serpent; where there was a perpetual watch, and a light ever burning. The Titans, Τιτανες, were properly Titanians; a people so denominated from their worship, and from the places where it was celebrated. They are, like Orion and the Cyclopians, represented as gigantic persons: and they were of the same race, the children of Anak. The Titanian temples were stately edifices, erected in Chaldea, as well as in lower Egypt, upon mounds of earth, λοφοι μαστοειδεις, and sacred to Hanes; Τιτανις and Τιτανες are compounds of Tit-Hanes; and signify literally μαστος ἡλιου, the conical hill of Orus. They were by their situation strong, and probably made otherwise defensible.

In respect to the legends about dragons, I am persuaded that the antients sometimes did wilfully misrepresent things, in order to increase the wonder. Iphicrates related, that in Mauritania there were dragons of such extent, that grass grew upon their backs: [303]Δρακοντας τε λεγει μεγαλους, ὡστε και ποαν επιπεφυκεναι. What can be meant under this representation but a Dracontium, within whose precincts they encouraged verdure? It is said of Taxiles, a mighty prince in India, and a rival of Porus, that, upon the arrival of Alexander the Great, he shewed him every thing that was in his country curious, and which could win the attention of a foreigner. Among other things he carried him to see a [304]Dragon, which was sacred to Dionusus; and itself esteemed a God. It was of a stupendous size, being in extent equal to five acres; and resided in a low deep place, walled round to a great height. The Indians offered sacrifices to it: and it was daily fed by them from their flocks and herds, which it devoured at an amazing rate. In short my author says, that it was treated rather as a tyrant, than a benevolent Deity. Two Dragons of the like nature are mentioned by [305]Strabo; which are said to have resided in the mountains of Abisares, or Abiosares, in India: the one was eighty cubits in length, the other one hundred and forty. Similar to the above is the account given by Posidonius of a serpent, which he saw in the plains of Macra, a region in Syria; and which he styles [306]δρακοντα πεπτωκοτα νεκρον. He says, that it was about an acre in length; and of a thickness so remarkable, as that two persons on horseback, when they rode on the opposite sides, could not see one another. Each scale was as big as a, shield; and a man might ride in at its mouth. What can this description allude to, this δρακων πεπτωκως, but the ruins of an antient Ophite temple; which is represented in this enigmatical manner to raise admiration? The plains of Macra were not far from Mount Lebanon and Hermon; where the Hivites resided; and where serpent-worship particularly prevailed. The Indian Dragon above mentioned seems to have been of the same nature. It was probably a temple, and its environs; where a society of priests resided, who were maintained by the public; and who worshipped the Deity under the semblance of a serpent. Tityus must be ranked among the monsters of this class. He is by the Poets represented as a stupendous being, an earthborn giant:

[307]Terræ omniparentis alumnum,

—— per tota novem cui jugera corpus

Porrigitur.

By which is meant, that he was a tower, erected upon a conical mount of earth, which stood in an inclosure of nine acres. He is said to have a vulture preying upon his heart, or liver; immortale jecur tondens. The whole of which history is borrowed from Homer, who mentions two vultures engaged in tormenting him.

[308]Και Τιτυον ειδον Γαιης ερικυδεος ὑιον,

Κειμενον εν δαπεδῳ· ὁδ' επ' εννεα κειτο πελεθρα·

Γυπε δε μιν ἑκατερθε παρημενοι ηπαρ εκειρον,

Δερτρον εσω δυνοντες, ὁδ' ουκ απαμυνετο χερσι.

The same story is told of Prometheus, who is said to have been exposed upon Mount Caucasus, near Colchis; with this variation, that an eagle is placed over him, preying upon his heart. These strange histories are undoubtedly taken from the symbols and devices which were carved upon the front of the antient Amonian temples; and especially those of Egypt. The eagle and the vulture were the insignia of that country: whence it was called Ai-Gupt, and [309]Aetia, from Ait and Gupt, which signified an eagle and vulture. Ait was properly a title of the Deity, and signified heat: and the heart, the centre of vital heat, was among the Egyptians styled [310]Ait: hence we are told by [311]Orus Apollo, that a heart over burning coals was an emblem of Egypt. The Amonians dealt much in hieroglyphical representations. Nonnus mentions one of this sort, which seems to have been a curious emblem of the Sun. It was engraved upon a jasper, and worn for a bracelet. Two serpents entwined together, with their heads different ways, were depicted in a semicircular manner round the extreme part of the gem. At the top between their heads was an eagle; and beneath a sacred carriage, called Cemus.

[312]Αιετος εν χρυσειος, ἁτε πλατυν ηερα τεμνων,

Ορθος, εχιδναιων διδυμων μεσσηγυ καρηνων,

Ὑψιφανης πτερυγων πισυρων τετραζυγι κημῳ.

Τῃ μεν ξανθος ιασπις επετρεχε.

The history of Tityus, Prometheus, and many other poetical personages, was certainly taken from hieroglyphics misunderstood, and badly explained. Prometheus was worshipped by the Colchians as a Deity; and had a temple and high place, called [313]Πετρα Τυφαονια, upon Mount Caucasus: and the device upon the portal was Egyptian, an eagle over a heart. The magnitude of these personages was taken from the extent of the temple inclosures. The words, per tota novem cui jugera corpus Porrigitur, relate to a garden of so many acres. There were many such inclosures, as I have before taken notice: some of them were beautifully planted, and ornamented with pavilions and fountains, and called Paradisi. One of this sort stood in Syria upon the river [314]Typhon, called afterwards Orontes. Places of this nature are alluded to under the description of the gardens of the Hesperides, and Alcinous; and the gardens of Adonis. Such were those at Phaneas in Palestine; and those beautiful gardens of Daphne upon the Orontes above mentioned; and in the shady parts of Mount Libanus. Those of Daphne are described by Strabo, who mentions, [315]Μεγα τε και συνηρεφες αλσος, διαῤῥεομενον πηγαιοις ὑδασιν· εν μεσῳ δε Ασυλον τεμενος, και νεως Απολλωνοι και Αρτεμιδος. There was a fine wide extended grove, which sheltered the whole place; and which was watered with numberless fountains. In the centre of the whole was a sanctuary and asylum, sacred to Artemis and Apollo. The Groves of Daphne upon the mountains Heræi in Sicily, and the garden and temple at bottom were very noble; and are finely described by [316]Diodorus.

I have taken notice that the word δρακων, draco, was a mistake for Tarchon, Ταρχων: which was sometimes expressed Τραχων; as is observable in the Trachones at Damascus. When the Greeks understood that in these temples people worshipped a serpent Deity, they concluded that Trachon was a serpent: and hence came the name of Draco to be appropriated to such an animal. For the Draco was an imaginary being, however afterwards accepted and understood. This is manifest from Servius, who distributes the serpentine species into three tribes; and confines the Draco solely to temples: [317]Angues aquarum sunt, serpentes terrarum, Dracones templorum. That the notion of such animals took its rise from the temples of the Syrians and Egyptians, and especially from the Trachones, Τραχωνες, at Damascus, seems highly probable from the accounts above: and it may be rendered still more apparent from Damasenus, a supposed hero, who took his name from the city Damasene, or Damascus. He is represented as an earthborn giant, who encountered two dragons: [318]Και χθονος απλετον ὑια, δρακοντοφονον Δαμασηνα. One of the monsters, with which he fought, is described of an enormous size, πεντηκονταπελεθρος Οφις, a serpent in extent of fifty acres: which certainly, as I have before insinuated, must have a reference to the grove and garden, wherein such Ophite temple stood at Damascus. For the general measurement of all these wonderful beings by [319]jugera or acres proves that such an estimate could not relate to any thing of solid contents; but to an inclosure of that superficies. Of the same nature as these was the gigantic personage, supposed, to have been seen at Gades by Cleon Magnesius. He made, it seems, no doubt of Tityus and other such monsters having existed. For being at Gades, he was ordered to go upon a certain expedition by Hercules: and upon his return to the island, he saw upon the shore a huge sea-man, who had been thunderstruck, and lay extended upon the ground: [320]τουτον πλεθρα μεν πεντε μαλιστα επεχειν; and his dimensions were not less than five acres. So Typhon, Caanthus, Orion, are said to have been killed by lightning. Orpheus too, who by some is said to have been torn to pieces by the Thracian women, by others is represented as slain by the bolt of Jupiter: and his epitaph imports as much.

[321]Θρηϊκα χρυσολυρην τηδ' Ορφεα Μουσαι εθαψαν,

Ὁν κτανεν ὑψιμεδων Ζευς ψολοεντι βελει.

All these histories relate to sacred inclosures; and to the worship of the serpent, and rites of fire, which were practised within them. Such an inclosure was by the Greeks styled [322]τεμενος, and the mound or high place ταφος and τυμβος; which had often a tower upon it, esteemed a sanctuary and asylum. Lycophron makes Cassandra say of Diomedes, [323]ΤYΜΒΟΣ δ' αυτον εκσωσει: the temple, to which he shall fly, shall save him. In process of time both the word τυμβος, as well as ταφος, were no longer taken in their original sense; but supposed uniformly to have been places of sepulture. This has turned many temples into tombs: and the Deities, to whom they were sacred, have been represented as there buried. There was an Orphic Dracontium at Lesbos; where a serpent was supposed to have been going to devour the remains of Orpheus: and this temple being of old styled Petra, it was fabled of the serpent, that he was turned into stone.

[324] Hic ferus expositum peregrinis anguis arenis

Os petit, et sparsos stillanti rore capillos.

Tandem Phœbus adest: morsusque inferre parantem

Arcet; et in lapidem rictus serpentis apertos

Congelat; et patulos, ut erant, indurat hiatus.

All the poetical accounts of heroes engaging with dragons have arisen from a misconception about these towers and temples; which those persons either founded, or else took in war. Or, if they were Deities of whom the story is told, these buildings were erected to their honour. But the Greeks made no distinction. They were fond of heroism; and interpreted every antient history according to their own prejudices: and in the most simple narrative could find out a martial achievement. No colony could settle any where, and build an Ophite temple, but there was supposed to have been a contention between a hero and a dragon. Cadmus, as I have shewn, was described in conflict with such an one near Thebes, whose teeth he sowed in the earth:

[325]οδοντας

Αονιοιο δρακοντος, ὁν ωγυγιῃ ενι Θηβῃ

Καδμος, ὁτ' Ευρωπην διζημενος εισαφικανε,

Πεφνε.

Serpents are said to have infested [326]Cyprus, when it was occupied by its first inhabitants: and there was a fearful dragon in the isle of [327]Salamis. The Python of Parnassus is well known, which Apollo was supposed to have slain, when he was very young; a story finely told by Apollonius.

[328]Ὡς ποτε πετραιῃ ὑπο δειραδι Παρνησσοιο

Δελφυνην τοξοισι πελωριον εξεναριξε,

Κουρος εων ετι γυμνος, ετι πλοκαμοισι γεγηθως.

After all, this dragon was a serpent temple; a tumbos, τυμβος, formed of earth, and esteemed of old oracular. To this, Hyginus bears witness. [329]Python, Terræ filius, Draco ingens. Hic ante Apollinem ex oraculo in monte Parnasso responsa dare solitus est. Plutarch says, that the dispute between Apollo and the Dragon was about the privilege of the place. [330]Ὁι Δελφων θεολογοι νομιζουσιν ενταυθα ποτε προς οφιν τῳ Θεῳ περι του χρηστηριου μαχην γενεσθαι. Hence we may perceive, that he was in reality the Deity of the temple; though the Greeks made an idle distinction: and he was treated with divine honours. [331]Πυθοι μεν ουν ὁ Δρακων ὁ Πυθιος θρησκευεται, και του Οφεως ἡ πανηγυρις καταγγελλεται Πυθια. It is said, moreover, that the seventh day was appointed for a festival in the temple, and celebrated with a Pæan to the [332]serpent.

We often read of virgins, who were exposed to dragons and sea-monsters; and of dragons which laid waste whole provinces, till they were at length, by some person of prowess, encountered and slain. These histories relate to women, who were immured in towers by the sea-side; and to banditti, who got possession of these places, whence they infested the adjacent country. The [333]author of the Chronicon Paschale supposes, that Andromeda, whom the poets describe as chained to a rock, and exposed to a sea-monster, was in reality confined in a temple of Neptune, a Petra of another sort. These dragons are represented as sleepless; because, in such places there were commonly lamps burning, and a watch maintained. In those more particularly set apart for religious service there was a fire, which never went out.

[334]Irrestincta focis servant altaria flammas.

The dragon of Apollonius is ever watchful.

Ουδε ὁι ημαρ,

Ου κνεφας ἡδυμος ὑπνος αναιδεα δαμναται οσσε.

What the Poet styles the eyes of the Dragon, were undoubtedly windows in the upper part of the building, through which the fire appeared. Plutarch takes notice, that in the temple of Amon there was a [335]light continually burning. The like was observable in other temples of the [336]Egyptians. Pausanias mentions the lamp of Minerva [337]Polias at Athens, which never went out: the same custom was kept up in most of the [338]Prutaneia. The Chaldeans and Persians had sacred hearths; on which they preserved a [339]perpetual fire. In the temple of [340]Apollo Carneus at Cyrene, the fire upon the altar was never suffered to be extinguished. A like account is given by Said Ebn Batrick of the sacred fire, which was preserved in the great temple at [341]Aderbain in Armenia. The Nubian Geographer mentions a nation in India, called [342]Caimachitæ, who had large Puratheia, and maintained a perpetual fire. According to the Levitical law, a constant fire was to be kept up upon the altar of God. [343]The fire shall be ever burning upon the altar: it shall never go out.

From what has preceded, we may perceive, that many personages have been formed out of places. And I cannot help suspecting much more of antient history, than I dare venture to acknowledge. Of the mythic age I suppose almost every circumstance to have been imported, and adopted; or else to be a fable. I imagine, that Chiron, so celebrated for his knowledge, was a mere personage formed from a tower, or temple, of that name. It stood in Thessaly; and was inhabited by a set of priests, called Centauri. They were so denominated from the Deity they worshipped, who was represented under a particular form. They styled him Cahen-Taur: and he was the same as the Minotaur of Crete, and the Tauromen of Sicilia; consequently of an emblematical and mixed figure. The people, by whom this worship was introduced, were many of them Anakim; and are accordingly represented as of great strength and stature. Such persons among the people of the east were styled [344]Nephelim: which the Greeks in after times supposed to relate to νεφελη, a cloud. In consequence of this, they described the Centaurs as born of a cloud: and not only the Centaurs, but Ixion, and others, were reputed of the same original. The chief city of the Nephelim stood in Thessaly, and is mentioned by [345]Palæphatus: but through the misconception of his countrymen it was expressed Νεφελη, Nephele, a cloud. The Grecians in general were of this race; as will be abundantly shewn. The Scholiast upon Lycophron mentions, that the descendants of Hellen were by a woman named Nephele, whom Athamas was supposed to have married. [346]Αθαμας ὁ Αιολου του Ἑλληνος παις εκ Νεφελης γεννᾳ Ἑλλην, και Φριξον. The author has made a distinction between Helle, and Hellen; the former of which he describes in the feminine. By Phrixus is meant Φρυξ, Phryx, who passed the Hellespont, and settled in Asia minor. However obscured the history may be, I think the purport of it is plainly this, that the Hellenes, and Phrygians were of the Nephelim or Anakim race. Chiron was a temple, probably at Nephele in Thessalia, the most antient seat of the Nephelim. His name is a compound of Chir-On, in purport the same as Kir-On, the tower and temple of the Sun. In places of this sort people used to study the heavenly motions: and they were made use of for seminaries, where young people were instructed; on which account they were styled παιδοτροφοι. Hence Achilles was supposed to have been taught by [347]Chiron, who is reported to have had many disciples. They are enumerated by Xenophon in his treatise upon hunting, and amount to a large number. [348]Εγενοντο αυτῳ μαθηται κυνηγεσιων τε, και ἑτερων καλων, Κεφαλος, Ασκληπιος, Μελανιων, Νεστωρ, Αμφιαραος, Πηλευς, Τελαμων, Μελεαγρος, Θησευς, Ἱππολυτος, Παλαμηδης, Οδυσσευς, Μενεσθευς, Διομηδης, Καστωρ, Πολυδευκης, Μαχαων, Ποδαλειριος, Αντιλοχος, Αινειας, Αχιλλευς. Jason is by Pindar made to say of himself, [349]Φαμι διδασκαλιαν Χειρωνος οισειν: and the same circumstance is mentioned in another place; [350]Κρονιδᾳ δε τραφεν Χειρωνι δωκαν (Ιασονα). These histories could not be true of Chiron as a person: for, unless we suppose him to have been, as the Poets would persuade us, of a different species from the rest of mankind, it will be found impossible for him to have had pupils in such different ages. For not only Æsculapius, mentioned in this list, but Apollo likewise learnt of him the medicinal arts. [351]Ασκληπιος και Απολλων παρα Χειρωνι τῳ Κενταυρῳ ιασθαι διδασκονται. Xenophon indeed, who was aware of this objection, says, that the term of Chiron's life was sufficient for the performance of all that was attributed to him: [352]Ὁ Χειρωνος βιος πασιν εξηρκει· Ζευς γαρ και Χειρων αδελφοι: but he brings nothing in proof of what he alleges. It is moreover incredible, were we to suppose such a being as Chiron, that he should have had pupils from so many different [353]countries. Besides many of them, who are mentioned, were manifestly ideal personages. For not to speak of Cephalus and Castor, Apollo was a Deity; and Æsculapius was the [354]like: by some indeed esteemed the son of the former; by others introduced rather as a title, and annexed to the names of different Gods. Aristides uses it as such in his invocation of [355]Hercules: Ιω, Παιαν, Ἡρακλες, Ασκληπιε: and he also speaks of the temple of Jupiter Æsculapius, Διος Ασκληπιου νεως. It was idle therefore in the Poets to suppose that these personages could have been pupils to Chiron. Those that were instructed, whoever they may have been, partook only of Chironian education; and were taught in the same kind of academy: but not by one person, nor probably in the same place. For there were many of these towers, where they taught astronomy, music, and other sciences. These places were likewise courts of judicature, where justice was administered: whence Chiron was said to have been φιλοφρονεων, και δικαιοτατος:

[356]Ὁν Χειρων εδιδαξε δικαιοτατος Κενταυρων.

The like character is given of him by Hermippus, of Berytus.

[357]Ὁυτος

Εις τε δικαιοσυνην θνητων γενος ηγαγε, δειξας

Ὁρκον, και θυσιας ἱλαρας, και σχηματ' Ολυμπου.

Right was probably more fairly determined in the Chironian temples, than in others. Yet the whole was certainly attended with some instances of cruelty: for human sacrifices are mentioned as once common, especially at Pella in Thessaly; where, if they could get a person, who was an Achean by birth, they used to offer him at the altars of Peleus and [358]Chiron.

There were many edifices denominated Chironian, and sacred to the Sun. Charon was of the same purport, and etymology; and was sacred to the same Deity. One temple of this name, and the most remarkable of any, stood opposite to Memphis on the western side of the Nile. It was near the spot where most people of consequence were buried. There is a tower in this province, but at some distance from the place here spoken of, called [359]Kiroon at this day. As Charon was a temple near the catacombs, or place of burial; all the persons who were brought to be there deposited, had an offering made on their account, upon being landed on this shore. Hence arose the notion of the fee of Charon, and of the ferryman of that name. This building stood upon the banks of a canal, which communicated with the Nile: but that which is now called Kiroon, stands at some distance to the west, upon the lake [360]Mœris; where only the kings of Egypt had a right of sepulture. The region of the catacombs was called the Acheronian and [361]Acherusian plain, and likewise the Elysian: and the stream, which ran by it, had the name of Acheron. They are often alluded to by Homer, and other Poets, when they treat of the region of departed souls. The Amonians conferred these names upon other places, where they settled, in different parts of the world. They are therefore to be met with in [362]Phrygia, [363]Epirus, [364]Hellas, [365]Apulia, [366]Campania, and other countries. The libri [367]Acherontii in Italy, mentioned by Arnobius, were probably transcripts from some hieroglyphical writings, which had been preserved in the Acherontian towers of the Nile. These were carried by Tages to Hetruria; where they were held in great veneration.

As towers of this sort were seminaries of learning, Homer from one of them has formed the character of sage Mentor; under whose resemblance the Goddess of wisdom was supposed to be concealed. By Mentor, I imagine, that the Poet covertly alludes to a temple of Menes. It is said, that Homer in an illness was cured by one [368]Mentor, the son of Αλκιμος, Alcimus. The person probably was a Mentorian priest, who did him this kind office, if there be any truth in the story. It was from an oracular temple styled Mentor; and Man-Tor, that the sacred cakes had the name of Amphimantora. [369]Αμφιμαντορα, αλφιτα μελιτι δεδευμενα.

Castor, the supposed disciple of Chiron, was in reality the same as Chiron; being a sacred tower, a Chironian edifice, which served both for a temple and Pharos. As these buildings for the most part stood on strands of the sea, and promontories; Castor was esteemed in consequence of it a tutelary Deity of that element. The name seems to be a compound of Ca-Astor, the temple or place of Astor; who was rendered at different times Asterius, Asterion, and Astarte. Ca-Astor was by the Greeks abbreviated to Castor; which in its original sense I should imagine betokened a fire-tower: but the Greeks in this instance, as well as in innumerable others, have mistaken the place and temple for the Deity, to whom it was consecrated. The whole history of Castor and Pollux, the two Dioscuri, is very strange and inconsistent. Sometimes they are described as two mortals of Lacedæmon, who were guilty of violence and rapine, and were slain for their wickedness. At other times they are represented as the two principal Deities; and styled Dii Magni, Dii Maximi, Dii Potentes, Cabeiri. Mention is made by Pausanias of the great regard paid to them, and particularly by the Cephalenses. [370]Μεγαλους γαρ σφας ὁι ταυτῃ Θεους ονομαζουσιν. The people there style them by way of eminence the Great Gods. There are altars extant, which are inscribed [371]CASTORI ET POLLUCI DIIS MAGNIS. In [372]Gruter is a Greek inscription to the same purport. Γαιος Γαιου Αχαρνευς Ἱερευς γενομενος Θεων Μεγαλων Διοσκορων Καβειρων. But though Castor was enshrined, as a God, he was properly a Tarchon, such as I have before described; and had all the requisites which are to be found in such buildings. They were the great repositories of treasure; which people there entrusted, as to places of great security. The temple of Castor vas particularly famous on this account, as we may learn from Juvenal:

[373]Æratâ multus in arcâ

Fiscus, et ad vigilem ponendi Castora nummi.

The Deity, who was alluded to under the name of Castor, was the Sun: and he had several temples of that denomination in Laconia, and other parts of Greece. His rites were first introduced by people from Egypt and Canaan. This we may infer, among other circumstances, from the title of Anac being so particularly conferred on him and his brother Pollux: whence their temple was styled Ανακειον in Laconia; and their festival at Athens ανακεια, anakeia. For Anac was a Canaanitish term of honour; which the Greeks changed to αναξ and [374]ανακτες. I have before mentioned, that in these places were preserved the Archives of the cities and provinces in which they stood: and they were often made use of for courts of judicature, called πρυτανεια, and prætoria; whither the antient people of the place resorted, to determine about right and wrong. Hence it is that Castor and Pollux, two names of the same personage, were supposed to preside over judicial affairs. This department does but ill agree with the general and absurd character, under which they are represented: for what has horsemanship and boxing to do with law and equity? But these were mistaken attributes, which arose from a misapplication of history. Within the precincts of their temples was a parade for boxing and wrestling; and often an Hippodromus. Hence arose these attributes, by which the Poets celebrated these personages:

[375]Καστορα θ' Ἱπποδαμον, και πυξ αγαθον Πολυδευκεα.

The Deity, originally referred to, was the Sun: As he was the chief Deity, he must necessarily have been esteemed the supervisor and arbitrator of all sublunary things:

[376]Ηελιος, ὁς παντ' εφορᾳ, και παντ' επακουει.

On this account the same province of supreme judge was conferred on his substitute Castor, in conjunction with his brother Pollux: and they were accordingly looked upon as the conservators of the rights of mankind. Cicero makes a noble appeal to them in his seventh oration against Verres; and enlarges upon the great department, of which they were presumed to be possessed: at the same time mentioning the treasures, which were deposited in their temples. [377]Vos omnium rerum forensium, consiliorum maximorum, legum, judiciorumque arbitri, et testes, celeberrimo in loco PRÆTORII locati, Castor et Pollux; quorum ex templo quæstum sibi iste (Verres) et prædam maximam improbissime comparavit—teque, Ceres, et Libera—a quibis initia vitæ atque victûs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Thus we find that they are at the close joined with Ceres, and Libera; and spoken of as the civilizers of the world: but their peculiar province was law and judicature.

Many instances to the same purpose might be produced; some few of which I will lay before the reader. Trophonius, like Chiron and Castor, was a sacred tower; being compounded of Tor-Oph-On, Solis Pythonis turris, rendered Trophon, and Trophonius. It was an oracular temple, situated near a vast cavern: and the responses were given by dreams. Tiresias, that antient prophet, was an edifice of the same nature: and the name is a compound of Tor-Ees, and Tor-Asis; from whence the Greeks formed the word Tiresias. He is generally esteemed a diviner, or soothsayer, to whom people applied for advice: but it was to the temple that they applied, and to the Deity, who was there supposed to reside. He was, moreover, said to have lived nine ages: till he was at last taken by the Epigoni, when he died. The truth is, there was a tower of this name at Thebes, built by the Amonians, and sacred to the God Orus. It stood nine ages, and was then demolished. It was afterwards repaired, and made use of for a place of augury: and its situation was close to the temple of Amon. [378]Θηβαιοις δε μετα του Αμμωνος το Ἱερον, οιωνοσκοπειον τε Τειρεσιου καλουμενον. Tiresias, according to Apollodorus, was the son of Eueres, [379]Ευηρης, or, according to the true Dorian pronunciation, Euares, the same as the Egyptian Uc Arez, the Sun. He is by Hyginus styled [380]Eurimi filius; and in another place Eurii filius, Pastor. Eurius, Eurimus, Euarez, are all names of the Sun, or places sacred to him; but changed to terms of relation by not being understood. Tiresias is additionally styled Pastor; because all the Amonian Deities, as well as their princes, were called Shepherds: and those, who came originally from Chaldea, were styled the children of Ur, or Urius.

By the same analogy we may trace the true history of Terambus, the Deity of Egypt, who was called the Shepherd Terambus. The name is a compound of Tor-Ambus, or Tor-Ambi, the oracular tower of Ham. He is said to have been the son of Eusires, [381]Ευσειρου του Ποσειδωνος; and to have come over, and settled in Thessaly, near mount Othrys. According to Antonius Liberalis, he was very rich in flocks, and a great musician, and particularly expert in all pastoral measure. To him they attributed the invention of the pipe. The meaning of the history is, I think, too plain, after what has preceded, to need a comment. It is fabled of him, that he was at last turned into a bird called Cerambis, or Cerambix. Terambus and Cerambis are both antient terms of the same purport: the one properly expressed is Tor-Ambi; the other Cer-Ambi, the oracular temple of the Sun.

I have taken notice that towers of this sort were the repositories of much treasure; and they were often consecrated to the Ophite Deity, called Opis and Oupis. It is the same which Callimachus addresses by the title of [382]Ουπι, Ανασσ' ευωπι: and of whom Cicero speaks, and styles Upis; [383]quam Græci Upim paterno nomine appellant. The temple was hence called Kir-Upis; which the Grecians abridged to Γρυπες: and finding many of the Amonian temples in the north, with the device of a winged serpent upon the frontal, they gave this name to the hieroglyphic. Hence, I imagine, arose the notion of Γρυπες, or Gryphons; which, like the dragons abovementioned, were supposed to be guardians of treasure, and to never sleep. The real conservators of the wealth were the priests. They kept up a perpetual fire, and an unextinguished light in the night. From Kir Upis, the place of his residence, a priest was named Grupis; and from Kir-Uph-On, Gryphon. The Poets have represented the Grupes as animals of the serpentine kind; and supposed them to have been found in countries of the Arimaspians, Alazonians, Hyperboreans, and other the most northern regions, which the Amonians possessed. In some of the temples women officiated, who were denominated from the Deity they served. The Scholiast upon Callimachus calls the chief of them Upis; and styles her, and her associates, Κορας [384]Ὑπερβορεους, Hyperborean young women. The Hyperboreans, Alazonians, Arimaspians, were Scythic nations of the same family. All the stories about Prometheus, Chimæra, Medusa, Pegasus, Hydra, as well as of the Grupes, or Gryphons, arose, in great measure, from the sacred devices upon the entablatures of temples.



Ωριων—κατα τροπην του ου εις ω απο του ουριων εστιν απο ἱστοριας του ουρησαι τους θεους εν τῃ βυρσῃ, και γενεσθαι αυτον. Etymolog. Mag. Ωριων.

[277] Τιτθη, τιτθος, τιτθιον, μαστος. Hesychius.

[278] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 878.

[279] Ορος—ὁ δε Τιτθειον ονομαζουσιν εφ' ἡμων, τηνικαυτα δε εκαλειτο Μυρτιον. Pausan. l. 2. p. 170.

[280] Callimach. Hymn in Delon. v. 48. Μαστοι, often taken notice of by Xenophon. Αναβας. l. 4. p. 320. A hill at Lesbos. Εν Λεσβῳ κλεινης Ερεσου περικυμονι ΜΑΣΤΩ. Athenæus. l. 3. p. 111. Εχει δ' εν αυτῳ και μαστον. Polyb. l. 1. p. 57.

[281] Strabo mentions in Cyprus, Αμαθους πολις—και ορος μαστοειδες Ολυμπος. l. 14. p. 1001.

[282] The Circean promontory in Italy seems to have been named Tit-On; for, the bay below is by Lycophron styled Titonian. Τιτωνιον τε χευμα. v. 1275. Rivers and seas were often denominated from places near which they flowed.

[283] Of the Cyclopes I shall hereafter treat at large.

[284] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1080. Azara signified a treasure.

[285] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1106.

[286] Bell. Jud. l. 7. p. 417.

[287] Canticles. c. 8. v. 10.

[288] Jeremiah. c. 49. v. 27.

[289] Amos. c. 1. v. 7.

[290] Ibid. c. 1. v. 10.

[291] Ibid. c. 1. v. 14.

[292] It is remarkable, that in many of the very antient temples there was a tradition of their having suffered by lightning.

[293] Canticles. c. 8. v. 8.

[294] 2 Chron. c. 27. v. 3.

[295] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1096.

[296] Canticles. c. 7. v. 4.

[297]

Pervenit ad Draconis speluncam ultimam,

Custodiebat qui thesauros abditos. Phædrus. l. 4. Fab. 18.

See Macrobius. Saturn. l. 1. c. 20. of dragons guarding treasures.

[298] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 405.

[299] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 14. p. 408.

[300] Nonni Dionys. l. 33. p. 840.

[301] Ibid. l. 35. p. 876.

[302] Ibid. l. 6. p. 186.

[303] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1183.

[304] Εν δε τοις εδειξε και ζωον ὑπερφυες, Διονυσου αγαλμα, ᾡ Ινδοι εθυον. Δρακων ην, μηκος πενταπλεθρον· ετρεφετο δε εν χοριῳ κοιλῳ, εν κρημνῳ βαθει, τειχει ὑψηλῳ ὑπερ των ακρων περιβεβλημενος· και ανηλισκε τας Ινδων αγελας. κτλ. Maximus Tyr. Dissert. 8. c. 6. p. 85.

[305] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1022.

[306] Μακρα πεδιον. Εν τουτῳ δε Ποσειδωνιος ἱστορει τον Δρακοντα πεπτωκοτα ὁραθηναι νεκρον, μηκος σχεδον τι και πλεθριαιον, παχος δε, ὡσθ' ἱππεας ἑκατερωθεν παρασταντας αλληλους μη καθορᾳν· χασμα δε, ὡστ' εφιππον δεξασθαι, της δε φολιδος λεπιδα ἑκαστην ὑπεραιρουσαν θυρεου. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1095. The epithet πεπτωκως could not properly be given to a serpent: but to a building decayed, and in ruins nothing is more applicable. A serpent creeps upon its belly, and is even with the ground, which he goes over, and cannot fall lower. The moderns indeed delineate dragons with legs: but I do not know that this was customary among the antients.

[307] Virgil. Æneis. l. 6. v. 595.

[308] Homer. Odyss. l. Λ. v. 575.

Quintus Calaber styles him πουλυπελεθρος.

Πουλυπελεθρος εκειτο κατα χθονος ευρυπεδοιο. l. 3. v. 395.

Τιτυον μεγαν, ὁν ῥ' ετεκεν γε

Δι' Ἑλαρη, θρεψεν δε και αψ ελοχευσατο Γαια.

Apollon. Rhodius. l. 1. v. 761.

[309] Αιγυπτος—εκληθη Μυσαρα—και Αερια, και Ποταμιτις, και ΑΕΤΙΑ, απο τινος Ινδου Αετου. Stephanus Byzant.

Eustathius mentions, Και Αετια, απο τινος Ινδου Αετου. κτλ. In Dionysium. v. 239. p. 42.

[310] Orus Apollo styles it in the Ionian manner Ηθ. l. 1. c. 7. p. 10. Τοδε Ηθ καρδια.

[311] Αιγυπτον δε γραφοντες, θυμιατηριον καιομενον ζωγραφουσι, και επανω καρδιαν. l. 1. c. 22. p. 38. It also signified an eagle.

[312] See the whole in Nonnus. l. 5. p. 148. It seems to have been a winged machine, which is called Κημος, from Cham the Sun. Hence the notion of the chariot of the Sun, and horses of the same.

[313] Καυκασου εν κνημοισι, Τυφαονιη ὁτε πετρη. Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 1214.

[314] Typhon was a high place; but represented as a Giant, and supposed to be thunderstruck here, near the city Antioch. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1090. Here was Νυμφαιον, σπηλαιον τι ἱερον. p. 1091.

[315] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1089. He mentions a place near the fountains of the river Orontes called Paradisos: Μεχρι και των του Οροντου πηγων, ἁι πλησιον του τε Λιβανου και του Παραδεισου. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1096.

[316] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 283.

[317] Servii Comment. in Virgil. Æneid. l. 2. v. 204.

[318] Nonni Dionys. l. 25. p. 668.

[319] Tot jugera ventre prementem. Ovid of the Pytho of Parnassus. Met. l. 1. v. 459.

See Pausanias. l. 10. p. 695. He says, the extent related to the place, ενθα ὁ Τιτυος ετεθη.

[320] Ὡς δε αυθις επανηκειν (τον Κλεοντα) ες τα Γαδειρα, ανδρα ἑυρειν θαλασσιον ΕΚΠΕΠΤΩΚΟΤΑ ες την γην· τουτον πλεθρα μεν πεντε μαλιστα επεχειν, κεραυνωθεντα δε ὑπο του θεου καιεσθαι. Pausan. l. 10. p. 806.

[321] Diogenes Laertius. Proœm. p. 5.

[322] Τεμενος· ἱερον χωριον αφωρισμενον Θεῳ. Scholia in Homer. Il. l. Γ. v. 696.

Και τεμενος περιπυστον Αμυκλαιοιο Κανωβου. Dionysius. Περιηγης. v. 13.

Ασυλον τεμενος at Daphne upon the Orontes. See above. p. 428.

[323] Lycophron. v. 6l3.

[324] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 11. v. 56.

[325] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 3. v. 1176.

[326] Βη δ' επ' εραν Διας φευγων οφιωδεα Κυπρον. Parthenius, as corrected by Vossius. See Notes to Pompon. Mela. p. 391.

[327] Lycophron. v. 110.

[328] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 707.

[329] Hyginus. Fab. 140.

[330] Plutarch de Oraculoram defectu. v. 1. p. 417.

[331] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p. 29.

[332] Prolegomena to the Pyth. Odes of Pindar.

[333] P. 39.

[334] Silius Ital. l. 3. v. 29.

[335] Λυχνον ασβεστον. Plutarch de Defect. Orac. vol. 1. p. 410.

[336] Porphyr. de Abstinentiâ. l. 2.

[337] L. 1. p. 63.

[338] Το δε λυχνιον εν Πρυτανειῳ. Theoc. Idyll. 21. v. 36.

Πυρος τε φεγγος αφθιτον κεκλημενον. Æsch. Χοηφοροι. v. 268.

[339] See Hyde Relig. Vet. Persarum: and Stanley upon the Chaldaic religion.

[340] Αει δε τοι αεναον πυρ. Callimach. Hymn to Apollo. v. 84.

[341] Vol. 2. p. 84.

[342] Clima. 4. p. 213.

[343] Leviticus. c. 6. v. 13. Hence the ξυλοφορια; a custom, by which the people were obliged to carry wood, to replenish the fire when decaying.

[344] It is said in the Scriptures, that there were giants in the earth in those days; and also after that. Genesis. c. 6. v. 4. The word in the original for giants is Nephelim.

[345] C. 2. p. 6.

[346] V. 22.

[347] Orphic. Argonaut. v. 395.

[348] De Venatione. p. 972.

[349] Pyth. Ode 4. p. 244.

[350] Ibid. p. 246.

[351] Justin. Martyr de Monarchiâ. p. 42.

[352] De Venat. p. 972.

[353] Æsculapius was of Egypt. Cephalus is said to have lived in the time of Cecrops αυτοχθων: or, as some say, in the time of Erectheus; many centuries before Antilochus and Achilles, who were at the siege of Troy.

[354] Æsculapius was the Sun. Euseb. Præp. Evang. l. 3. p. 112.

[355] Oratio in Herculem. vol. 1. p. 64. Oratio in Æsculapium. p. 67.

[356] Homer. Iliad. Λ. v. 831.

[357] Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 361.

[358] Μονιμος δε ἱστορει, εν τῃ των θαυμασιων συναγωγῃ, εν Πελλῃ της Θετταλιας Αχαιον ανθρωπον Πηλει και Χειρωνι καταθυεσθαι. Clementis Cohort. p. 36.

[359] Pocock's Travels. v. 1. p. 65.

[360] Ibid.

[361] Παρα την λιμνην την καλουμενην Αχερουσιαν. Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 86.

[362] In Phrygiâ—juxta specus est Acherusia, ad manes, ut aiunt, pervius. Mela. l. 1. c. 19. p. 100.

[363] River Acheron, and lake Acherusia in Epirus. Pausan. l. 1. p. 40. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499. Thucydides. l. 1. p. 34.

[364] Near Corinth Acherusia. Pausan. l. 2. p. 196.

In Elis Acheron. Strabo. l. 8. p. 530.

[365] Celsæ nidum Acherontiæ. Horat. l. 3. Ode. 4. v. 14.

[366] Near Avernus. In like manner there were πεδια Ηλυσια in Egypt, Messenia, and in the remoter parts of Iberia. See Plutarch in Sertorio, and Strabo. l. 3. p. 223.

[367] Also Libri Tarquitiani Aruspicum Hetruscorum, so denominated from Tar-Cushan. Marcellinus. l. 25. c. 2. p. 322.

[368] Herodot. Vit. Hom. c. 3.

[369] Hesychius.

[370] L. 1. p. 77.

[371] Fleetwood's Inscript. p. 42.

[372] P. 319. n. 2.

[373] Sat. 14. v. 259.

[374] Pausanias. l. 2. p. l6l, 162.

There was a hill called Anakeion: Ανακειον· ορος, η των Διοσκουρων Ἱερον. Suidas.

It is said of the celebrated Polygnotus, that he painted τας εν τῳ θησαυρῳ και εν τῳ Ανακειῳ γραφας. Harpocration. The treasury we may suppose to have been a part of the temple.

[375] Homer. Iliad. Γ. v. 237.

[376] Homer. Odyss. Μ. v. 323.

[377] Cicero in Verrem. Orat. 7. sect. ult.

[378] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 741.

[379] Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 154.

[380] Hyginus. fab. 68, and 75.

[381] Antonin. Liberalis Metamorph. c. 22.

[382] Hymn. in Dian. v. 204.

[383] Cicero de Nat. Deorum. l. 3. 23.

She is supposed to be the same as Diana. Καλουσι δε την Αρτεμιν Θρακες Βενδειαν, Κρητες δε Δικτυναν, Λακεδαιμονιοι δε Ουπιν. Palæphatus. c. 32. p. 78.

[384] Scholia in Callimach. Hymn. in Dianam. v. 204.

Ωπιν, και Ἑκαεργην—εκ των Ὑπερβορεων. Pausan. l. 5. p. 392.

Metuenda feris Hecaerge,

Et Soror, optatum numen venantibus, Opis.

Claudian in Laudes Stilic. l. 3. v. 253.

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