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The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria
By Morris Jastrow

CHAPTER XXVII.

CONCLUSION.

General Estimate and Influence.

In forming a general estimate of a religion, one's verdict will largely depend upon the point of view from which the religion in question is regarded. It is manifestly unjust and illogical to apply modern standards to an ancient religion, not that such a religion would necessarily suffer by the comparison involved, but because of the totally different conditions under which religion developed in antiquity from those prevailing in modern times. The close association, nay, the inseparable bond, between religion and the state is only one of several determining factors that might be adduced, while the small scope permitted to individualism in matters of religious belief and practice in a country like Babylonia or Assyria was fraught with such peculiar results that all comparisons, even with other religions of antiquity, could only obscure and not illumine our judgment.

There are manifestly three phases of the religion of Babylonia and Assyria that need to be considered in reaching some general conclusions as to the character and rank to be accorded to it,—the doctrines, the rites, and the ethics. So far as the pantheon is concerned, the limitations in the development of doctrines connected with it were reached when the union of the several Euphratean states was permanently effected under Hammurabi. Marduk, a solar deity, takes his place as the head of the pantheon by virtue of the preëminent place occupied by his patron city,—Babylon. The other great gods, each representing[Pg 691] some religious center that at one time or the other rose to importance, grouped themselves around Marduk, as the princes and nobles gather around a supreme monarch. A certain measure of independence was reserved for the great mother goddess Ishtar, who, worshipped under various names as the symbol of fertility, plenty, and strength, is not so decidedly affected by the change as deities like En-lil, Shamash, Sin, and Ea, who could at any time become rivals of Marduk. As the position of Marduk, however, became more and more assured without danger of being shaken, the feeling of rivalry in his relations to the other gods began to disappear. Marduk's supremacy no longer being questioned, there was no necessity to curtail the homage paid to Shamash at Sippar or to En-lil at Nippur; hence the religious importance of the old centers is not diminished by the surpassing glory of Babylon. There was room for all. Marduk's toleration is the best evidence of his unquestioned headship.

The centralization of political power and of religious supremacy is concomitant with the focussing of intellectual life in Babylon. The priests of Marduk set the fashion in theological thought. So far as possible, the ancient traditions and myths were reshaped so as to contribute to the glory of Marduk. The chief part in the work of creation is assigned to him. The storm-god En-lil is set aside to make room for the solar deity Marduk. But, despite such efforts, the old tales, once committed to writing on the practically imperishable clay, survived, if not in the minds of the people, at least in the archives of the ancient temples.

The antiquity of literature in Babylonia was the factor that prevented the cult from acquiring a uniform character in the various parts of the empire. The priests of Nippur, of Sippar, of Eridu, of Erech, Cuthah, Ur, and other places began long before the period of Hammurabi to compile, on the basis of past experience and as a guide for future needs, omen lists,[Pg 692] incantation formulas, and sacrificial rituals. These collections created orthodox standards, and these standards, once acknowledged, the natural conservatism attaching to religious customs was sufficient to maintain their continuance. The uniformity of doctrine was thus offset by variations in the cult; and the policy adopted by both Babylonian and Assyrian rulers, in permitting each center to remain undisturbed, and in freely recognizing the religious independence of each, prevented the Babylonian and Assyrian religion from falling into the state of stagnation which would otherwise have been its fate.

In the views taken of the relationship between the gods and men, no notable advances were made when once the ethical spirit was infused into the religious beliefs. The problem of good and evil was solved in a simple fashion. By the side of the great gods there existed a large, almost infinite number of spirits and demons, who were generally held responsible for the evils affecting mankind.[1594] These demons and spirits were in many cases gods 'fallen from grace,'—minor local deities who, unable to maintain themselves in the face of the growing popularity of the great gods, sank to an inferior position as messengers, forced to do the will of their masters and who could be controlled by the latter. But the intercession of the priests was essential to obtaining divine help against the mischievous workings of the spirits. Even the kings, though originally standing very close to the gods, could not dispense with the services of the priests, and by virtue of their conspicuous position had to exercise greater precautions than the masses not to offend the gods, by errors of commission or omission in the cult. The priests held the secret that could secure freedom from ills and promote the comparative well-being of rulers and subjects. They alone knew what incantations to use for each case that was brought before them, in what way the sacrifices were to be brought, when the deity[Pg 693] should be approached, and why divine anger had manifested itself. The intellectual leadership thus acquired by the priests, in addition to their control of religious affairs, was an additional factor in maintaining orthodox standards of belief when once they had become fixed. In the doctrines of life after death, this influence of the priesthood is distinctly seen. The popular notions were systematized, but the priests, true to their rule as conservators, did not pass beyond primitive conceptions. Some weak attempts at a philosophical view of the problem of death are attempted in the Gilgamesh epic as finally put together under the influence of the Babylonian schools of thought,[1595] but the leaders shared with the people the sense of hopelessness when picturing the life in the great hollow Aralû. It is in the hymns and prayers, rather than in the cosmology and eschatology, that the spiritual aspirations of the priests (and to a limited degree of the masses) manifest themselves. In these productions, whether existing independently or incorporated into incantation rituals, we see the religion of Babylonia at its best. A strong emphasis is placed upon the doctrine that misfortunes and ills come as a punishment for sins of commission or omission. It is true that no distinction is drawn between ceremonial errors and real misdeeds, but the sense of guilt is aroused by the priests in the minds of those who come to the temples, seeking relief from the attacks of the evil spirits, or the bewitchment of sorcerers.

It is in this doctrine of guilt, as revealed through the magical texts, that we must seek both for the starting-point of the development of an ethical system (so far as such a system existed among the Babylonians), and also for the limitations of this system. The aim of the priests to observe the right ceremonies, to pronounce the right words in order to accomplish their aim, reacted on rulers and subjects, and led them to make the pleasure of the gods the goal of life. With fear of[Pg 694] the gods, upon which stress is always laid,[1596] there is thus associated an equally strong love[1597] of the divine powers. Obedience to the gods is primarily inculcated as a means of securing their protection and blessing; but the fear of the gods, we are told, is the cause of joy;[1598] and the Babylonians passed far beyond the stage of making the satisfaction of one's own desires the standard of right and wrong. A penitential psalm declares[1599] that what is pleasing to oneself may be sinful in the eyes of a god.

The kings pride themselves upon being the promoters of justice. Even the Assyrian rulers, who impress one while conducting their wars as bereft of all softer emotions, declare that their highest aim is to spread plenty and happiness.[1600] Sennacherib calls himself a king who 'loves righteousness,'[1601] and he, as well as his predecessors and successors, busies himself with actually restoring the rights of those of his subjects who have been wrongfully deprived of their possessions.

The standard of private morality was high both in Babylonia and Assyria. The legal and commercial tablets reveal that proper consideration was given to the treatment of woman—a most satisfactory index of ethical conditions.[1602] She could hold property and dispose of it. Before the courts, her status did not differ materially from that of the male population. The husband could not divorce his wife without sufficient cause, and children owed obedience to the mother as well as to the father.[Pg 695][1603] Polygamy, as a matter of course, prevailed, but it is an error to suppose that polygamy is inconsistent with high ideals of family life, even though it does not lead to the highest ideals.

Hatred, lying, cheating, using false measures, removing boundaries, adultery, insincerity are denounced in the incantation texts,[1604] and in accord with this standard, we see in the records of lawsuits and agreements between parties[1605] clear indications of the stringent laws that prevailed in order to protect citizens against infringement of their rights. It comes as a surprise, but also as a welcome testimony to the efficacy of justice in Assyria, to find Ashurbanabal emphasizing the fact that he established ordinances so that the strong should do no harm to the weak.[1606]

The institution of slavery flourished in Babylonia and Assyria throughout all periods of their history,[1607] but there were various grades of slaves. Some classes differed but little from that of servants, indentured for a longer or shorter period for certain services. The temple slaves appear to have largely belonged to this class. Mild treatment of slaves is enjoined and was the rule. The slaves are often the confidential agents of their masters who attend to the business affairs of the latter. We find slaves holding property in their own right. Contracts entered into by them are legal and binding. Injuries inflicted upon them by their masters are punished, and they are protected against losses and mishaps encountered while in service. While we have no evidence to show that the laws of Assyria were on a lower ethical plane than those of Babylonia, still, as the pupils and imitators of the Babylonians in almost everything pertaining to culture and religion, the general tone of life in Assyria was hardly as high as in the south. The warlike[Pg 696] spirit of the rulers is but a symptom of the fiercer character of the people.

The tendency towards monotheism in the religion of Babylonia and Assyria has been referred to. We must remember that it was only a tendency. No decided steps in this direction were ever taken. Both in the south and in the north, this tendency is but the expression of the preëminent rank accorded to Marduk and Ashur, respectively. The independent existence of two heads in the combined pantheon was sufficient to prevent the infusion of an ethical spirit into this monotheistic tendency; and unless a monotheistic conception of the universe is interpreted in an ethical sense, monotheism (or monolatry) has no great superiority, either religiously or philosophically, over polytheism.

From the standpoint of religious doctrine, accordingly, the religion of Babylonia and Assyria does not occupy a unique position. In this respect, the Egyptian religion reaches a higher level. For all that, the influence exerted by the religion that developed in the Euphrates Valley was profound and lasting. We have had occasion in various chapters of this work to point out the close analogies existing between the thoughts, tradition, and practices of the Hebrews and the Babylonians.[1608] A proper study of the Hebrew religion is closely bound up with an investigation of the religious antiquities of Babylonia; and as our knowledge of these antiquities increases, it will be found that not only are Hebrews and Babylonians equipped with many common possessions when starting out upon their intellectual careers, but that, at different times and in diverse ways, the stimulus to religious advance came to the Hebrews from the ancient centers of thought and worship in the Euphrates Valley. This influence was particularly strong during the period of Jewish history known as Babylonian exile. The finishing touches to the structure of Judaism—given[Pg 697] on Babylonian soil[1609]—reveal the Babylonian trademark. Ezekiel, in many respects the most characteristic Jewish figure of the exile, is steeped in Babylonian theology and mysticism; and the profound influence of Ezekiel is recognized by modern scholarship in the religious spirit that characterizes the Jews upon the reorganization of their commonwealth.

It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that what Babylonia gave to others was always the best she had to offer. Degrading tendencies, too, found an entrance into post-exilic Judaism through Babylonian influence. Close contact of Jews with Babylonians served to make the former more accessible to the popular beliefs in incantations and in the power of demons than they would otherwise have been. Not that the Jews (as little as any other people) were ever entirely free from superstitious practices; but, living in an atmosphere charged, so to speak, with magic and astrology, it was inevitable that even the best among them should be infected by customs that they daily witnessed. In the Babylonian Talmud, the references to evil spirits are numerous. Specific incantations are introduced, and an elaborate system of angelology and demonology forms a feature of Talmudical Judaism in which, by the side of Persian influences,[1610] we may detect equally strong traces of Babylonian ideas. In the upper strata of the ruins of Nippur, hundreds of clay bowls were found, inscribed with Jewish inscriptions, in the Aramaic dialect that was spoken by the Babylonian Jews.[1611] Similar bowls were found elsewhere in the mounds of the Euphrates Valley.[1612] These bowls indicate the presence of Jews in various parts of the country.[1613] Placed[Pg 698] in the graves as a protection for the dead against evil spirits, the inscriptions contain formulas of denunciation against the demons that constitute a striking parallel to the incantation texts of ancient Babylonia. Some of the demons are identical with those occurring in these texts, and by the side of the inscriptions, there are illustrations[1614] and magical designs to which parallels exist on the Babylonian tablets.

This custom of endeavoring to secure protection for the dead through the power of the curses and propitiatory phrases inscribed on bowls continued in vogue as late as the ninth century at the least, and perhaps considerably later. There are indications also that Babylonian ideas found an entrance into the Jewish Kabbala,—the strange mystic system of the middle ages, the sources of which are to be sought in the apocalyptic chapters of Ezekiel and Daniel.

Christianity as well as Judaism felt the fascination of the mystic lore of Babylonia. Gunkel[1615] has demonstrated the Babylonian origin of the myth embodied in the twelfth chapter of Revelations. This myth is but another form of the Marduk-Tiâmat contest, which, it will be recalled, is the chief episode in the Babylonian creation 'epic.'[1616] More significant is the influence exerted by the religious ideas of Babylonia upon the various Gnostic sects that arose within the Christian Church. That the source of Gnosticism was to be sought in Mesopotamia was always recognized by scholars, but until the discovery of Babylonian literature, it was customary to seek for Jewish influences in the formation of the various Gnostic sects. Kessler[1617] was the first to demonstrate clearly the dependence of the leading ideas of Gnosticism upon[Pg 699] the Babylonian cosmology and the conceptions developed with reference to the gods. More recently, Anz[1618] has undertaken a renewed investigation of the subject, and, approaching the theme from various points of view, reaches conclusions confirmatory of Kessler's thesis. All of the Gnostic sects have certain fundamental doctrines in common, such as the dwelling of God in the abyss,[1619] the migration of the soul after death through seven zones, the emanation of aeons from a supreme aeon.[1620] All these doctrines exhibit such close affinities with Babylonian ideas as to warrant the assertion that the religion of Babylonia survives in Gnosticism; and since, as we know, Babylonian culture and customs maintained an undisturbed existence almost to the threshold of our era, there is no need to go back to the older periods of the Babylonian religion to find the connecting link, uniting Gnosticism with the Babylonian religion. The spread and influence of the Gnostic sects was notoriously wide. It is sufficient to recall the chief centers of Gnostic schools of thought in Antioch, Edessa, and Alexandria and the various branches of the powerful sect of the Ophites. The influence of these schools extended into Greece and Rome. While the Gnostic sects disappear in the sixth century, the influence of Gnosticism can be followed down to the twelfth century,—a significant testimony to the enduring qualities of Babylonian doctrines.

In the ancient world, prior to the rise of Christianity, Egypt, Persia, and Greece felt the influence of the Babylonian religion. Budge[1621] is of the opinion that many of the magic practices carried on in the Egyptian temples are to be traced back to the incantation rituals perfected by the Babylonian priests. In view of the early contact between[Pg 700] Egypt and Babylonia, as revealed by the El-Amarna tablets, there were certainly abundant opportunities for the infusion of Babylonian views and customs into Egyptian cults. In Persia, the Mithra cult reveals the unmistakable influence of Babylonian conceptions;[1622] and if it be recalled what a degree of importance the mysteries connected with this cult acquired among the Romans, another link will be added connecting the ramifications of ancient culture with the civilization of the Euphrates Valley. The strong admixture of Semitic elements both in early Greek mythology and in Grecian cults is now so generally admitted by scholars as to require no further comment.[1623] These Semitic elements are to a large extent more specifically Babylonian. The spread of the Gilgamesh epic and of the Ishtar cult into Asia Minor and Greece may be instanced as illustrations of Babylonian influence; and granting that the Phoenicians acted largely as the mediators in carrying these ideas to the Greek settlements, still there must have been influences at work long before this direct contact with Semitic culture that prepared the way for the ready acceptance which Semitic conceptions and Semitic practices found. The time has not yet come for pronouncing an opinion as to the influence exerted by Babylonia upon lands in the distant East. The theory of DeLacouperie[1624] and Ball, which proposes to trace the Chinese script to the hieroglyphic system of Babylonia, is still to be tested. Early commercial contact between the Euphrates Valley and India is maintained as a probable theory by several scholars,[1625] and the possibility, therefore, of the spread of the religious ideas of Babylonia to the distant East is not to be rejected. Patient research and the additional[Pg 701] discoveries (which are constantly being made) will alone place us in a position some day to give a definite answer to the question. Whatever that answer may be, the verdict as to the high quality and profound influence of the religion that arose in the valley of the Euphrates and that flourished for several millenniums will not be altered.

To show the general indebtedness of Grecian, Roman, mediaeval, and even modern civilization to Babylonian culture lies beyond the range of this work, but the profound impression made upon the ancient world by the remarkable manifestations of religious thought in Babylonia and by the religious activity that prevailed in that region is but an index of the influence that must have been exerted in other directions by the varied intellectual activity that converted a district, exposed to the by no means tender mercies of the elements, into one of the most notable illustrations of the power and achievements of man.[Pg 703][Pg 702]

FOOTNOTES:

[Pg 705] BIBLIOGRAPHY.

NOTE.

The bibliography is arranged in nine sections, the order adopted corresponding to the broad subdivisions of the book. The beginning is therefore made:

(1) With references to the most important or most useful publications, dealing with the excavations conducted in Babylonia and Assyria, the method of decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions, the general history of Babylonia and Assyria, and the general aspects of the Babylonian-Assyrian culture. This section corresponds to the first two chapters of the book.

(2) The second section is devoted to books, monographs, articles, and chapters in books, dealing with the general subject of the Babylonian-Assyrian religion.

In neither of these two sections have I aimed at being exhaustive, though the second will be found, I think, to include almost everything of any value.

The detailed bibliography begins with the following section. Corresponding again to the treatment of the subject in the book, I take up in succession:

(3) The Pantheon.

(4) Religious Texts.

(5) Cosmology.

(6) Gilgamesh Epic (including the Deluge episode).

(7) Beliefs and Customs (Views of Life after Death, Funeral Rites, Legends, Ethics, etc.).

(8) Temples and Cult.

(9) Bearings of the Babylonian-Assyrian Religion on the Old Testament, and General Influence Exerted by the Religion.

Of these seven sections, all but the last aim at being exhaustive. It was not always easy to decide into what division a particular reference[Pg 706] belonged, but I have been generally guided by the needs of students for whom this portion of the bibliography is particularly intended.

The fifth and sixth sections should be taken together; and similarly the seventh and eighth, while the fourth section should of course be consulted in connection with the third, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth.

Under each section the authors named are arranged in alphabetical order. Occasionally, I have added some comments to the reference given, as a guide or a warning to students. In a subject like Assyriology, where new discoveries are constantly being made and progress in the interpretation of texts is steadily going on, it is inevitable that views and translations should be subject to modification—sometimes slight, but frequently significant. I have endeavored to avoid repetition of references. In a few cases this was unavoidable. In the second section portions of books are referred to, which by virtue of their character as very general works had to be assigned a place also in the first section. Two or three of the references in the fourth section had to be repeated elsewhere; and I should also add that there are a few references which I have been unable to verify.[Pg 707]

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

The following abbreviations are employed:

AB = Assyriologische Bibliothek, ed. by Friedrich Delitzsch and Paul Haupt.
AD = Andover Review.
AI = Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres.
AJP = American Journal of Philology.
AJT = American Journal of Theology.
AJSL = American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures.
AL = Delitzsch's Assyrische Lesestücke (3d ed.)
APC = Annales de Philosophie Chrétienne.
BA = Beiträge zur Assyriologie.
BAZ = Beilage zur Allgemeinen Zeitung (Munich).
BOR = Babylonian and Oriental Record.
BW = Biblical World.
CR = Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres.
DR = Deutsche Rundschau.
DRe = Deutsche Revue.
ET = Expository Times.
FLJ = Folk Lore Journal.
H = Hebraica.
IAQR = Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review.
ICO = International Congress of Orientalists.
JA = Journal Asiatique.
JAOS = Journal of the American Oriental Society.
JHUC = Johns Hopkins University Circulars.
JRAS = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
JTVI = Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute.
KAA = Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen (Amsterdam).
KAW = Königliche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin.
M = Museon.
MVG = Miltheilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft.
OTS = Old Testament Student.
[Pg 708]PAOS = Proceedings of the American Oriental Society.
PR = Presbyterian Review.
PSBA = Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.
R = Rawlinson's 'Selection from the miscellaneous Inscriptions of Western Asia.' (London 1861-1891.) 5 vols.
RA = Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archéologie Orientale.
RAr = Revue Archéologique.
RB = Revue Biblique.
RC = Revue Critique.
RHR = Revue de l'Histoire des Religions.
RIA = Royal Irish Academy.
RP = Records of the Past.
RR = Revue des Religions.
RS = Revue Semitique.
RT = Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Egyptiennes et Assyriennes.
SST = Sunday School Times.
TSBA = Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.
TZ = Theologische Zeitblätter.
WZKM = Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes.
ZA = Zeitschrift für Assyriologie.
ZATW = Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft.
ZDMG = Zeitschrift der Deutsch-Morgenländischen Gesellschaft.
ZK = Zeitschrift für Keilschriftforschung.

Periodicals, the volumes of which correspond to years, are quoted by the years; others, by the volumes, or by series, or by series and volumes.

Roman numerals indicate volumes, except in the case of PAOS, where they indicate pages; Arabic numerals indicate pages or plates.

I.

Excavations.—Method of Decipherment.—History of Babylonia and Assyria.—Origin and General Aspects of Babylonian And Assyrian Culture.—General Bibliography.

(a) Excavations and Decipherment.

Kaulen, Fr.—Assyrien und Babylonien nach den neuesten Entdeckungen. (4th ed. Freiburg 1891.)

[Pg 709]

(b) History.

Duncker, Max.—Geschichte des Alterthums. Vols. I. and II, (5th ed. Berlin 1878.)

Hommel, F.—Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. (Berlin 1885.)

---- Geschichte des alten Morgenlandes. (Stuttgart 1895.)

Lenormant, François [and Ernest Babelon].—Histoire ancienne de l'Orient. Vol. IV. (9th ed. Paris 1885.)

Maspero, G.—The Dawn of Civilization: Egypt and Chaldaea. (London 1894.)

---- The Struggle of the Nations: Egypt, Syria, and Assyria. (London 1896.)

Meyer, Ed.—Geschichte des Alterthums. Vol. 1. (Stuttgart 1884.)

Muerdter und Delitzsch.—Kurzgefasste Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. (2d ed. Stuttgart 1891.)

Ragozin, Z.—(1) The Story of Chaldea. (2) The Story of Assyria. (New York 1886-1887.)

Rawlinson, George.—The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World. Vols. I.-III. (4th ed. London 1879.)

Rogers, R. W.—Outlines of the History of Early Babylonia. (Leipzig 1895.)

Schmidt, Valdemar.—Assyriens og Aegyptens gamle Historie. (Copenhagen 1872-1877.)

Tiele, C. P.—Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte. (Gotha 1886.)

Wachsmuth, Curt.—Einleitung in das Studium der alten Geschichte. (Leipzig 1895.)

Winckler, Hugo.—Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. (Leipzig 1892.)[Pg 710]

(c) Origin and General Aspects of Babylonian-Assyrian Culture.

Baumstark, A.—Babylon and Babylonia.

Bezold, C.—Assyria.

Hommel, F.—Der Babylonische Ursprung der Aegyptischen Kultur. (Munich 1892.)

Ihering, Rudolph Von.—Vorgeschichte der Indo-Europäer. (Leipzig 1894.) 2tes Buch, 'Arier und Semiten,' pp. 93-305.

Nikel, Johannes.—Herodot und die Keilschriftforschung. (Paderborn 1896.)

Peiser, F. E.—Skizze der Babylonischen Gesellschaft. (Berlin 1896.)

(d) Bibliography.

Bezold, C.—Kurzgefasster Ueberblick über die Babylonisch-Assyrische Literatur. (Leipzig 1886.)

Delitzsch, Friedrich.—'Litteratura' in the appendix to his 'Assyrian Grammar.' (London 1889.) pp. 55-78.

Kaulen, Fr.—Assyrien und Babylonien (as above), pp. 248-266.

Lincke, A.—Bericht über die Fortschritte der Assyriologie in den Jahren 1886-1893. (Leipzig 1894.)

Full bibliographical reports are given in:

(1) The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures (University of Chicago; quarterly).

(2) Jahrbücher für Geschichte, ed. by I. Jastrow and E. Berner (Berlin; annual).

(3) Orientalische Bibliographie, ed. by Lucian Scherman (Berlin; semi-annual).[Pg 711]

(4) Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, ed. by C. Bezold (Munich; quarterly).

(5) Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archéologie Orientale, ed. by J. Oppert and E. Ledrain (Paris; published at irregular intervals).

II.

General Works and Articles on the Religion of Babylonia and Assyria.

Berger, P.—'Assyrie' in Lichtenberger's 'Encyclopédie des Sciences Religieuses.'

Boscawen, W. St. Chad.—Lectures on the Religion of Babylonia [abstract] BOR III. 118-120, 150-163.

---- The Religion of Babylonia in 'Religious Systems of the World.' (Swan Sonnenschein & Co. 1896. pp. 15-25.)

Delitzsch, Friedrich.—The Religion of the Kassites. H 1885. 189-191.

Eerdmans, B. D.—Babylonian-Assyrian Religion.

Finzi, Felice.—Ricerche per lo Studio dell' Antichita Assira. (Rome 1872.) Libro Secondo. Mitologia, pp. 433-554.

Guyard, S.—Bulletin de la Religion Assyro-Babylonienne. RHR I. 327-345; V. 253-278.

Halévy, Joseph.—La Religion des Anciens Babyloniens et son plus recent historien M. Sayce. RHR XVII. 169-218.

Heuzey, Leon.—Description of Monuments in De Sarzec's 'Découvertes en Chaldée.' (Paris 1889-1891.) pp. 77-240.

Hewitt, J. F.—Early History of Northern India, Part III. JRAS, 1889, 527-583.

[Pg 712]

Hincks, Edward.—On the Assyrian Mythology. RIA Transactions XXII. Polite Literature, 1854, 405-422.

Hommel, F.—Die Semitischen Völker und Sprachen. (Leipzig 1883.) pp. 356-396. Die Religion der alten Babylonier, pp. 266-356. Sprache und Literatur der Sumero-Akkadier.

Jeremias, Friedrich.—'Die Babylonier und Assyrier' in Chantepie de la Saussaye's 'Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte.' (2d ed. Freiburg 1897.) I. 163-221.

Lenormant, François.—Les Sciences Occultes en Asie. I. La Magie chez les Chaldéens et les Origines Accadiennes. II. La Divination et la Science des Présages chez les Chaldéens. (Paris 1874-1875.)

Loisy, A.—Études sur la Religion Chaldéo-Assyrienne. (RR, 1890-1892.)

Meyer, Ed.—Geschichte des Alterthums. I. 174-183. (Stuttgart 1884.)

Mürdter und Delitzsch.—Kurzgefasste Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. (2d ed. Stuttgart 1891.) pp. 23-53.

Oppert, J.—'Babylone et Chaldée' in Lichtenberger's 'Encyclopedie des Sciences Religieuses.'

Pinches, T. G.—The Religious Ideas of the Babylonians. JTVI XXVIII. 1-22.

Pressensè, E. de.—La Religion Chaldéo-Assyrienne. RHR XIV. 73-94.

Rawlinson, George.—The Religions of the Ancient World. (New York 1883.)

---- The Religion of Assyria in 'Religious Systems of the World.' (Swan Sonnenschein & Co. London 1896.) pp. 26-41.

Rawlinson, H. C.—The Religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians.

[Pg 713]

Sayce, A. H.—The Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians. (London 1887.)

Strong, S. A.—Die Religion der Babylonier.

Schwally, F.—'Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrier,' in Friedrich von Hellwald's 'Kulturgeschichte in ihrer natürlichen Entwicklung bis zur Gegenwart.' (4th ed. Leipzig 1896.) I. 423-433.

Tiele, C. P.—Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte. (1886.) pp. 515-557. Religion: Die Mythologie und Glaubenslehre.

---- Vergelijkende Geschiedenis der Aegyptische en Mesopotamische Godsdiensten. (Amsterdam 1869.) pp. 282-413. De Godsdienst van Babel en Assur.

---- Geschichte der Religion im Alterthum bis auf Alexander den Grossen. (Gotha 1895.) I. 127-216. Die Religion in Babylonien und Assyrien.

III.

Pantheon, Gods, Spirits, Heroes.

Ball, C. J.—Tammuz, the Swine-god. PSBA XVI. 195-200.

Barton, G. A.—The Semitic Ishtar Cult. H IX. 131-165; X. 1-73.

---- Was Ilu Ever a Distinct Deity in Babylonia? H X. 206, 207.

Bezold, C.—A Cuneiform List of Gods. PSBA XI. 173, 174; see also IX. 377.

---- Note on the god Addu or Daddu. Ib. p. 377.

---- Ueber Keilinschriftliche Babylonisch-Assyrische Göttertypen. ZA IX. 114-125, 405-409.[Pg 714]

Chwolson, D. A.—Ueber Tammûz und die Menschenverehrung bei den alten Babyloniern. (St. Petersburg 1860.)

De Cara, Caesare.—Identificazione d'Iside e d'Osiride con Ishtar ed Ashur. 8th ICO, Section Semitique 2^me Fasc, 275-278.

Delitzche, Friedrich.—Article on 'Thammuz' in 'Calwer, Bibellexikon.' (Calw und Stuttgart 1885.)

---- Articles on Dagon, Merodach, Nebo, Nergal, Nisroch, Rimmon. Ib.

Eerdmans, B.—Goddess  (or Malkatu) in 'Melekdienst en Vereering von Hemellichamen in Israel's Assyrische Periode.' (Leiden 1891.) pp. 73-82.

Guyard, S.—Le Dieu Assyrien Ninib. RC, 1879, 1^er Mars.

Hoffmann, G.—Neue und Alte Götter (Nin-gal, Nusku, Ea, Nabu, Gibil, Ninib, Nergal, Sin). ZA XI. 258-292.

Hommell, Fritz.—Die Identität der ältesten Babylonischen und Aegyptischen Göttergenealogie und der Babylonische Ursprung der Aegyptischen Kultur. 9th ICO II. 218-244.

---- Note on Ninib. PSBA XIX. 312-314.

Jastrow, Morris, Jr.—On the Assyrian Kuduru and the Ring of the Sun-god in the Abu-Habba Tablet. PAOS, Oct. 1888. XCV.-XCVIII.

Jensen, P.—Ueber einige Sumero-Akkadische und Babylonisch-Assyrische Götternamen. ZA, 1886. I. 1-24.

---- Die Götter Amurru und Ashratu. ZA XI. 302-305.

---- Nik(k)al-Sharratu; Sharratu in Harran. ZA XI. 293-301.

Jeremias, A.—Articles on Ashur, Marduk, Nebo, Nergal, Shamash, Sin, Tammuz in Roscher's 'Ausführliches Lexikon der Griechischen und Römischen Mythologie.'

Lenormant, François.—Il mito di Adone-Tammuz nei documenti cuneiformi. 4th ICO, 1878. I. 143-173.

---- Sur le nom de Tammuz. 1st ICO II. 149-165.

---- Les Dieux de Babylone et de l'Assyrie. (Paris 1877.)[Pg 715]

Luzzato, P.—L'Existence d'un Dieu Assyrien nommé Semiramis. JA, 4th Series, XVII. 465-480.

Lyon, D. G.—Was there at the Head of the Babylonian Pantheon a Deity bearing the Name El? PAOS, May 1883, clxiv.-clxviii.

---- The Pantheon of Assurbanipal. PAOS, Oct. 1888, xciv., xcv.

Menant, J.—Le Mythe de Dagon. RHR XI. 295-301.

---- Le Panthéon Assyro-Chaldéen. Les Beltis. RHR VIII. 489-519.

Meyer, Eduard.—Articles Baal and Astarte (with references to Bel and Ishtar) in Roscher's 'Ausführliches Lexikon der Griechischen und Römischen Mythologie.'

Nicolsky, M. V.—La Déesse des Cylindres et des Statuettes Babyloniennes. RAr, 3^me série, XX. 36-43.

Offord, J.—The Nude Goddess in Assyro-Babylonian Art. PSPA XVIII. 156, 157.

Oppert, Jules.—La Vraie Assimilation de la Divinité de Tello. CR, 1884, 231-233.

---- Le Dieu de Sirtella [i.e., Lagash]. ZK II. 261, 262.

---- Adad. ZA IX. 310-314.

Pinches, Theo. G.—Note upon the divine name Â. PSBA XIII. 25-27, 42-56.

---- Was Ninib the Most High God of Salem? Ib. XVI. 225-229.

---- The Pronunciation of the Name of the Plague-god, Urra not Dibbarra. BOR I. 207, 208.

---- A Bilingual List of Assyrian Gods. Academy, 1887, No. 816.

[Pg 716]

Rawlinson, H. C.—Notes on Captain Durand's Report upon the Islands of Bahrein. JRAS, 1880, 201-227.

Reisner, George.—The Different Classes of Babylonian Spirits. PAOS, April 1892, cxcv., cxcvi.

Revillout, E. and V.—Istar Taribi. BOR II. 57-59.

Robiou, F. A.—A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. IAQR, 1894.

Sayce, A. H.—Who was Dagon? SST, 1893, No. 21.

---- The God Ramman. ZA II. 331, 332.

Scheil, Fr. V.—Le Dieu-roi Bur-Sin Planète. ZA XII. 265, 266.

---- Ishtar sous la symbole de la vache. RT XX. 62.

---- Le Culte de Gudea. RT XVIII. 64-74.

Schrader, E.—Die Göttin Ishtar als Malkatu und Sharratu. ZA III. 353-364; IV. 74, 75

---- Die Malkat hash-Shamayim und ihr Aramäisch-Assyrisches Aequivalent. KAW Sitzungsberichte, 1886, 477-491.

Talbot, H. Fox.—The Legend of Ishtar Descending to Hades. TSBA II. 179-212. See also RPI, 141-149.

Thureau-Daugin, Fr.—La Lecture de l'Idéogramme AN-IM (Ramman). JA, 9th Series, II. 385-393.

Tiele, C. P.—- La Déesse Ishtar surtout dans le mythe Babylonien. 6th ICO, Part II. Section I. 493-506.

---- Die Beteekenis van Ea en zijn verkoudung tot Marduk en Nabû. KAA Verslagen en Mededeelingen 'Letterkunde,' 1887, 67-81.

Ward, W. H.—The Babylonian Gods in Babylonian Art. PAOS, May 1890, xv.-xviii.

---- Was there a Babylonian Gate-god? Academy, 1888, No. 847.

Winckler, H.—Die Istar von Nineve in Egypten. MVG I. 286-289.

Witte, J. de.—Sur le nom de Thamouz attribué à Adonis. M, 1887, 81 seq.

Zehnpfund, R.—Altbabylonische Götter und Heldensagen. BAZ, 1891, Nos. 39, 40, 52, 56, 63.[Pg 717]

IV.

Religious Texts.

Hymns, Incantations, Omens, Oracles, Prayers, Legends, Myths, Votive Texts.

Ball, C. J.—A Bilingual Hymn (IVR 46, 5-19) PSBA XV. 51-54.

---- A Babylonian Ritual Text. JRAS, 1892, 841-853.

Banks, E. J.—Sumerisch-Babylonische Hymnen der von George Reisner herausgegebenen Sammlung, umschrieben, übersetzt und erklärt. (Breslau 1897.)

Barton, G. A.—Esarhaddon's Account of the Restoration of Ishtar's Temple at Erech. PAOS, May 1891, cxxx.-cxxxii.

Bertin, G.—Akkadian Hymn to the Setting Sun. RP, new series, II. 190-193.

Bezold, C.—Remarks on Some Unpublished Cuneiform Syllabaries with Respect to Prayers and Incantations written in Interlinear Form. PSBA X. 418-423.

---- Translation and Analysis of a Hymn to the Sun-god (Sp III.). RA I. 157-161.

Boissier, Alfred.—Deux Documents Assyriens relatifs aux Présages. RS I. 63-70, 168-172.

---- Documents Assyriens relatifs aux Présages.

---- Notes d'Assyriologie. RS VI. 143-151.

Boscawen, W. St. Chad.—The Babylonian Legend of the Serpent Tempter. BOR IV. 251-255.

---- Babylonian Teraphim. BOR I. 39, 40.

---- The Legend of the Tower of Babel. RP III. 129-132; also in the TSBA V. 303-312.

Brünnow, R.—Assyrian Hymns. ZA IV. 1-40, 225-258; V. 55-80.

Budge, Ernest A.—Assyrian Incantations to Fire and Water. RP XI. 133-138; also in TSBA VI. 420-435.[Pg 718]

Craig, Jas. A.—Prayer of the Assyrian King Ashurbanipal. H X. 75-87.

---- Assyrian and Babylonian Religious Texts, Vols. I. and II. (Leipzig 1895-1897.) AB XIII.

---- K 69 (a hymn). ZA XI. 276.

---- An Assyrian Incantation to the God Sin, cir. 650 B.C. H XI. 101-109.

Delattre, A. J.—The Oracles Given in Favor of Esarhaddon. RP, new series, III. 25-31; see also BOR III. 25-31.

Delitzsch, Friedrich.—Babylonisch-Assyrisches Psalmbuch.

---- Assyrische Lesestücke. (Leipzig 1885. 3d ed.)

Evetts, B. T. A.—An Assyrian Religious Text. PSBA X. 478, 479 and two plates.

Halévy, J.—Assyrian Fragments. RP XI. 157-162.

---- Documents religieux de l'Assyrie et de la Babylonie. (Paris 1882.)

---- Textes religieux Babyloniens en double Redaction. RS IV. 150-160, 245-251, 344-348.

---- 'Les Inscriptions peints de Citium' in 'Mélanges de Critique et d'Histoire,' pp. 165-196.

Harper, Edward T.—Die Babylonischen Legenden von Etana, Zu, Adapa und Dibbarra. BA II. 390-521.

Haupt, Paul.—Akkadische und Sumerische Keilschrifttexte. (Leipzig 1881-1882.)

[Pg 719]

Jastrow, Morris, Jr.—A fragment of the Babylonian "Dibbarra" Epic. Publications of the University of Pennsylvania. Series in Philology, Literature, and Archaeology, Vol. 1., No. 2. (Boston 1891.)

---- A new Fragment of the Babylonian Etana Legend. BA III. 363-384.

Jensen, P.—De Incantamentorum Sumerico-Assyrorum seriei quae dicitur "surbu" Tabula VI. ZK I. 279-322; II. 15-61; also 306-311, 416-425.

---- Hymnen auf das Wiedererscheinen der drei grossen Lichtgötter. ZA II. 76-94, 191-204.

Jeremias, A.—Die Höllenfahrt der Ishtar. Eine altbabylonische Beschwörungslegende. (Munich 1886.)

King, L. W.—Babylonian Magic and Sorcery, being 'the Prayers of the Lifting of the Hand.' (London 1896.)

---- New Fragments of the Dibbarra Legend. ZA XI. 50-62.

Knudtzon, J. A.—Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott für Staat und königliches Haus aus der Zeit Asarhaddons und Assurbanipals. Band I. Autographierte Texte; Band II. Einleitung, Umschrift und Erklärung Verzeichnisse. (Leipzig 1893.)

Lenormant, François.—Chaldaean Hymns to the Sun. RP X. 119-128.

---- Hymne au Soleil. Texte primitif Accadien. JA, 7^th Series, XII. 378; XIII. 1-98; postscriptum ib. XIV. 264, 265.

---- Une Incantation Magique Chaldéenne. RAr, 2^d Series, XXXIV. 254-262.

---- Lettres Assyriologiques. 2^me Série Études Accadiennes, Vols. II. and III. (Paris 1874-1879.)

---- Translations of religious texts in 'Les Origines de l'Histoire d'après la Bible et les Traditions des Peuples orientaux.' (Paris 1880-1882.) 2 vols.[Pg 720]

Lyon, D. G.—Assyrian and Babylonian Royal Prayers. PAOS, October 1888. XCIII., XCIV.

---- On a Sacrificial Tablet from Sippar. PAOS, May 1886, xxx.

Messerschmidt, L.—Tabula VA. Th. 246, Babylonica Museï Berolinensis primum editur commentarioque instruitur. (Kirchhain 1896.)

Oppert, J.—'Chants et Invocations' in Eichoff and David 'Chef d'œuvres litteraires de l'Inde, de la Perse, de l'Egypte et de la Chine.' (Paris.) II. 211-219.

—— Fragments Mythologiques. (Paris 1882.)

---- Translation of III. Rawlinson, pl. 65, in JA, 6^th Series, XVIII. 449-453.

---- Hymnes en Sumerien et en Accadien ou Assyrien, 1st ICO. II. 217-224.

---- Le Champ Sacré de la Déesse Ninâ. CR, 1893, 326-344. See also ZA VII. 360-374.

---- Traduction de Quelques Textes Assyriens.... Louange du Dieu Nibir et de ses sept Attributions. 4th ICO I. 233-235.

---- L'Immortalité de l'âme chez les Chaldéens. (Paris 1875.)

---- Chant en Sumerien et en Assyrien sur une épidémie. JA, 7^th Series, I. 289-293.

---- Notice sur d'anciennes formules d'Incantation et autres dans une langue antérieure au Babylonien. JA, 7^th Series, I. 113-122.

---- Babylonian legends found at Khorsabad. RP XI. 41-44.

Peiser, F. E.—Ein Satz in den Beschwörungsformeln. ZA II. [Pg 721]102, 103.

Pinches, T. G.—An Erechite's Lament. RP, new series, I. 84, 85.

---- The Oracle of Ishtar of Arbela. RP XI. 59-72; also RP, new series, V. 129-140.

---- Sin-Gashid's Gift to the Temple Ê-Ana. BOR I. 8-11. See also RP, new series, I. 78-83.

---- and E. A. W. Budge.—Some New Texts in the Babylonian Character, relating Principally to the Restoration of Temples. PSBA, 1884. pp. 179-182.

Rawlinson, H. C.—A Selection from the Miscellaneous Inscriptions of Western Asia. Vol. IV. 2d ed. revised (and with additions) by T. G. Pinches. (London 1891.)

Reisner, George.—Sumerisch-Babylonische Hymnen nach Thontafeln Griechischer Zeit. (Berlin 1896.) Königliche Museen zu Berlin. Mittheilungen aus den Orientalischen Sammlungen No. X.

Sayce, A. H.—Accadian Hymn to Istar. RP I. 155-160.

---- Accadian Poem on the Seven Evil Spirits. Ib. IX. 144-148.

---- An Accadian Liturgy. Ib. III. 125-130.

---- An Accadian Penitential Hymn. Ib. VII. 151-156.

---- Ancient Babylonian Charms. Ib. III. 145-154.

---- An Assyrian Talismanic Tablet. BOR III. 17, 18.

---- Babylonian Augury by means of Geometrical Figures. TSBA IV. 302-314.

----Fragment of an Assyrian Prayer after a Bad Dream. RP IX. 149-152.[Pg 722]

Sayce, A. H.—Babylonian Exorcisms. Ib. I. 131-135.

---- Tables of Omens Furnished by Dogs and Births. Ib. V. 167-176.

---- The Dedication of three Babylonians to the service of the Sun-god at Sippara. RP, new series, IV. 109-113.

---- The Overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah (Accadian Account). RP XI. 115-118.

---- Two Accadian Hymns. Ib. XI. 129-132.

---- Two Hymns to the Sun-god [in preface, pp. ix.-x., to RP, new series, IV., 1890].

Scheil, F. V.—Psaume de Pénitence Chaldéen inedit, RB, 1896, 75-78.

---- Legende Chaldéenne trouvée à El-Amarna [Adapa]. RR Mars-Avril 1891.

---- Choix des Textes Religieux Assyriens. RHR XXXVI. 197-207.

----Fragments de Poésie lyrique Babylonienne. RB VI. 28-30.

----Fragment mythologique avec mention de Uddushu-namir patesi. RT XX. 62, 63.

---- Hymne Babylonien avec metre appartent. ZA XI. 291-298.

Schrader, E.—Die Höllenfahrt der Ishtar. Ein Altbabylonisches Epos. (Giessen 1874.)

Smith, S. A.—Miscellaneous Texts. (Leipzig 1887.) pp. 1-5, 8-10.

Strong, S. Arthur.—A Prayer of Assurbanipal. RP, new series, VI. 102-106; also 9th ICO II. 199-208.

---- Note on a Fragment of the Adapa Legend. PSBA XX. 274-279.

---- On Some Oracles to Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. BA II. 627-645.

---- Votive Inscriptions. RP, new series, IV. 90-95.

---- A Hymn to Nebuchadnezzar. PSBA XX. 154-162.[Pg 723]

Talbot, H. Fox.—A Prayer and a Vision. TSBA I. 346-348 and RP VII. 65-68.

---- Assyrian Sacred Poetry. RP III. 131-138.

---- Assyrian Talismans and Exorcisms. Ib. III. 139-144.

---- War of the Seven Evil Spirits Against Heaven. Ib. V. 161-166.

Tallquist, K. L.—Die Assyrische Beschwörungsserie Maqlû. (Leipzig 1894.)

Weissbach, F. H.—Ueber die ersten Tafeln im IV. Bande Rawlinsons.

---- Eine Sumerisch-Assyrische Beschwörungsformel IV. Rawl. 16, No. 1 in 'Melanges Charles de Harlez.' (Leiden 1896.) pp. 360-371.

Winckler, H. and Abel Ludwig.—Thontafelfund von El-Amarna. (Berlin 1891.)

Zimmern, Heinrich.—Babylonische Busspsalmen, umschrieben, übersetzt und erklärt. (Leipzig 1885.) BA VI.

---- Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Babylonischen Religion. Erste Lieferung. Die Beschwörungslafeln Shurpu. (Leipzig 1896.) AB XII.

---- Zusatzbemerkungen zur Legende von Adapa. BA II. 437, 438.

---- Hexenbeschwörungen bei den Babyloniern. BAZ, 1891, No. 337.

---- An Old Babylonian Legend from Egypt [Adapa]. SST, 1892, No. 25.[Pg 724]

V.

Cosmology.

Barton, G. A.—Tiâmat. JAOS XV. 1-28; also PAOS, May 1890, xiii.-xv.

Brunengo, Giuseppe.—L'Impero di Babilonia e di Ninive. (2 vols. Prato 1885.) Capo I. La Cosmogonia de Caldei comparata alla Mosaica, pp. 67-85. Capo II. La Ribellione degli Angeli e la Caduta del Uomo, (i.e., Marduk and Tiâmat story), pp. 86-108. Capo IV. La Storia del Diluvio, pp. 124-140.

Budge, E. A. W.—The Fourth Tablet of the Creation Series, relating to the fight between Marduk and Tiâmat. PSBA VI. 5-11.

----Fourth Tablet of the Creation Series. PSBA X. 86 and six pls.

Delitzsch, Friedrich.—Texte zur Weltschöpfung und zur Auflehnung und Bekämpfung der Schlange Tiâmat. AL, 3d ed., 1885. pp. 93-99.

---- Das Babylonische Weltschöpfungsepos. (Leipzig 1896.)

Engel, Moritz.—Die Lösung der Paradiesfrage. (Leipzig 1885.)

Halévy, J.—La Cosmologie Babylonienne d'après M. Jensen. RHR XXII. 180-208.

---- Recherches Bibliques—L'Histoire des Origines d'après la Genèse. Texte, Traduction et Commentaire. Tome I. Genèse I.-XXV. (Paris 1895.)

---- Recherches Bibliques—Chapter 28, La Création et les Vicissitudes du Premier Homme. RS I. 101-117, 193-202.

Hommel, F.—Eine Neugefundene Weltschöpfungslegende. DR, 1892, 105-114; see also Neue Kirchliche Zeitung, I. 393 seq., II. 89 seq.

---- The Oldest Cosmogony. SST, 1891, No. 7.

Jensen, P.—Die Kosmologie der Babylonier. Studien und Materialien. (Strassburg 1890.)[Pg 725]

Jensen, P.—Ursprung und Geschichte des Tierkreises. DR, 1890, 112-116.

Lajard, F.—Fragments d'un Mémoire sur le Système théogonique et cosmogonique des Assyriens ou des Chaldéens d'Assyrie. JA, 2^d Series, XIV. 114-143.

Laurie, Thomas.—Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Deluge. Bibliotheca Sacra, XLII. 165-168.

Lenormant, F.—Essai de Commentaire sur les Fragments cosmogoniques de Berose. (Paris 1871.)

Loisy, A.—Les Mythes Chaldéens de la Création et du Déluge. (Amiens 1892.) RR, 1896.

Lukas, FR.—Die Grundbegriffe in den Kosmogonieen der Alten Völker. 1893. pp. 1-46.

Müller, D. H.—Die Propheten in ihrer Ursprünglichen Form. (Wien 1895.) pp. 6-13.

Muss-Arnolt, W.—The Cuneiform Account of the Creation. Revised translation. BW III. 17-27.

---- A Comparative Study of the Translations of the Babylonian Creation Tablets, with special reference to Jensen's 'Kosmologie' and Barton's 'Tiâmat.' H IX. 6-23.

Oppert, J.—Fragments Cosmogoniques in Ledrain's 'Histoire d'Israel.' (Paris 1882.) pp. 411-422.

---- Le Poème Chaldéen du Déluge. (Paris 1885.)

---- Die Fragmente der Epopöen welche die Schöpfung und Sintfluth nach babylonischer Auffassung betreffen. Verhandlungen Deutscher Philologen und Schulmänner, XXXIV. 128, 129.

---- Traductions de quelques textes Assyriens.—Fragments des Récits de la Création.—Guerre de Merodach et Tiâmat. 4th ICO, 229-238.[Pg 726]

Pinches, T. G.—A Babylonian Duplicate of Tablets I. and II. of the Creation Series. BOR IV. 25-33.

---- The New Version of the Creation Story. 9th ICO, 1892. II. 190-198; also JRAS, 1891, 393-408; and Academy, 1890, Nos. 968, 974, and the Times, 1889, Dec. 16.

---- The Non-Semitic Version of the Creation Story. RP, new series, VI. 107-114.

Sayce, H.—The Assyrian Story of the Creation. RP, new series, I. 122-146.

---- Babylonian Legend of the Creation RP XI. 109-114.

---- The Babylonian Story of the Creation according to the Tradition of Cutha. RP, new series, I. 147-153.

Schrader, E.—Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament. (London 1885.) I. 1-22.

Smith, George.—The Chaldaean Account of Genesis. (2d ed. London 1881.) German trans, ed. by Friedrich Delitzsch (Leipzig 1876), under the title 'Chaldaeische Genesis.'

---- On Some Fragments of the Chaldaean Account of the Creation. TSBA IV. 363, 364.

Stucken, Ed.—Astralmythen der Hebraer, Babylonier und Aegypter. I. und II. Theil. (Leipzig 1896-1897.)

Talbot, H. Fox.—The Fight between Bel and the Dragon. RP IX. 135-140.

---- The Fight between Bel and the Dragon and the Flaming Sword which turned every way. TSBA V. 1-21.

---- The Chaldaean Account of the Creation. RP IX. 115-118; also TSBA V. 426-440.

---- The Revolt in Heaven, from a Chaldaean Tablet. TSBA IV. 349-362.

[Pg 727]

Warren, W. F.—Paradise Found. 10 ed. (Boston 1893.) Part IV. chapter 6. The Cradle of the Race in Akkadian, Assyrian, and Babylonian Thought.

Ward, W. Hayes.—Contest between Bel-Merodach and the Dragon. PAOS, May 1879. X.

---- Dragon and Serpent in Chaldaean Mythology. PAOS, Oct. 1879, xvii.

---- Bel and the Dragon. AJSL XIV. 94-105.

---- The Dragon Tiâmat in Babylonian and Assyrian Art. PAOS, Oct. 1889, clxviii-clxix.

Zimmern, H.—Translations of the Babylonian Creation and Deluge Stories in Gunkel's 'Schöpfung und Chaos,' pp. 401-428.

---- 'König Tukulli bëi nisi und die Kuthaische Schöpfungslegende.' ZA XII. 317-330.

VI.

The Gilgamesh Epic

(including the Deluge Story.)

Adler, C.—The Legends of Semiramis and the Nimrod Epic. JHUC, No. 55.

Boscawen, W. St. Chad.—Hymn to Gilgames. BOR VII. 121-125.

---- The Twelfth Izdubar Legend. RP IX. 131-134.

Casanowicz, I. M.—Professor Haupt's Nimrod Epic. JHUC, No. 98.

Cheyne, T. K.—Nimrod, a Kassite King. Academy, 1895, No. 47.

De Lacouperie, Terrien.—The Deluge Tradition and its Remains in Ancient Chaldaea. BOR pp. 15-24, 49-55, 79-88, 102-111.

Delitzsch, Friedrich.—Article 'Nimrod' in 'Calwer Bibellexikon.'

---- Die Sintflutherzählung oder die elfte Tafel des Nimrod Epos. AL. (3d ed. Leipzig 1885.) 99-109.

Dryoff, K.—Wer ist Chadir? ZA XII. 319-327.[Pg 728]

Grivel, Josef.—Nimrod et les Ecritures Cunéiformes. TSBA III, 136-144.

Hamilton, L. le Cenci.—Ishtar and Izdubar, the Epic of Babylon. Restored in modern verse. Vol. I. Illustrated. (London 1884.)

Harper, E. T.—The Legend of Etana, Gilgamos and his Kindred in Folklore. Academy, 1891, No. 995; see also Nos. 985, 987, 988.

Haupt, Paul.—The Cuneiform Account of the Deluge. OTS, 1883, 77-85.

---- Das babylonische Nimrodepos. Keilschrifttext der sogenannten Izdubarlegenden mit dem Keilinschriftlichen Sintfluthberichte, nach den Originalen im Britischen Museum copiert und herausgegeben. (Leipzig 1884-1891.) 2 vols. AB III.

---- Die zwölfte Tafel des Babylonischen Nimrodepos. BA I. 48-79.

---- On Two Passages in the Chaldaean Flood Tablet. PAOS, March 1894, CV.-CXI.

---- On Some Passages in the Cuneiform Account of the Deluge, with special reference to the first column of the tablet. JHUC, No. 69.

---- Ergebnisse einer neuen Collation der Izubar Legenden. BA I. 94-152. See Halévy ZA IV. 61.

---- On the Dimensions of the Babylonian Ark. PAOS, Oct. 1888, lxxxix.-xc.; see also AJP IX. 419-424.

---- Der Keilinschriftliche Sintfluthbericht. Eine Episode des babylonischen Nimrodepos. (Leipzig 1881.)

---- Der Keilinschriftliche Sintfluthbericht. Umschrift, Uebersetzung, und Erläuterungen in Schrader's 'Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,' 3d ed., 1898.

Hoffmann, G.—Die Dubar-Sage und der Keilinschriftliche Sintfluthbericht. Die Grenzboten, Jahrgang 47.

Hommel, F.—Gis-dubarra, Gibilgamish, Nimrod. PSBA XV. 291-300; XVI. 13-15.[Pg 729]

Heuzey, L.—La Lance Colossale d'Izbubar et les Nouvelles Formeles de M. de Sarzec. AI. Bulletin 1893, 305.

Jastrow, Morris, Jr.—The New Version of the Babylonian Account of the Deluge. The Independent, Feb. 10, 17, 1898.

Jensen, P.—Gishgimash (=Gilgamish) ein Kossaer? ZA VI. 340-342.

Jeremias, A.—Article 'Izdubar' in Roscher's 'Ausführliches Lexikon der Griechischen und Römischen Mythologie.' Vol. II. cols. 773-823.

---- Izdubar-Nimrod. Eine Altbabylonische Heldensage nach den Keilschriftfragmenten dargestellt. (Leipzig 1891.) See also article by Quentin in RHR XXXI. 162-177.

Lenormant, F.—Le Déluge et l'Épopée Babylonienne. (Paris 1873.)

Lidzbarski.—Zu den Arabischen Alexandergeschichten. ZA VIII. 263-312. See also ib., 317-319.

---- Wer ist Chadhir? ZA VII. 104-116.

Meissner, Bruno.—Alexander und Gilgamos. (Leipzig 1894.)

---- Einige Bemerkungen zur Erklärung des Sintfluthberichtes. ZA III. 417-421.

Menant, J.—Le Déluge. Noé dans l'arche. (Paris 1880.)

Moor, Fl.—De la Geste de Gilgames confrontée avec la Bible et avec les Documents Historiques indigènes. M, June 1897.

Muss-Arnolt, W.—The Chaldaean Account of the Deluge. A revised translation. BW III. 109-118.

---- Remarks Introductory to a Comparative Study on the Translations of the Deluge Tablets. PAOS, April 1892, cxc.-cxcv.; also JHUC, No. 98.

Offord, J.—A New Fragment of the Babylonian Deluge Story. PSBA XX. 53, 54.

Oppert, J.—The Chaldaean Perseus. BOR V. 1, 2; also CR, 1890, 464, 465.

---- Nimrod. Bulletin de l'Athenée Orientale, 1873, Jan.-Feb.[Pg 730]

Oppert, J.—Le Poème Chaldéen du Déluge. Traduit de l'Assyrien. (Paris 1885.)

Pinches, T. G.—Exit Gishtubar. BOR IV, 264.

Rawlinson, H. C.—The Izdubar Legends. Athenaeum, 1872, No. 2354.

Rochette, Raoul.—Mémoire sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phenicien. AI Mémoires, 2^me Partie, XVII. 9-374.

Sauveplane, F.—Une Épopée Babylonienne. Ishtubar-Gilgames. (Paris 1894.)

Sayce, A. H.—On Nimrod and the Assyrian Inscription. TSBA II. 248, 249; see also Academy, 1893, No. 1054.

---- The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments. (London 1894.) pp. 97-119.

Scheil, F. V.—Notes d'Epigraphie et d'Archéologie Assyrienne. XXX. Un Fragment d'un Nouveau Récit du Déluge de l'Époque du Roi Ammizaduga. RT XX. 55-59; see also RB, 1898, 5-9.

---- The New Babylonian Account of the Deluge. The Independent, Jan. 20, 1898.

Smith, George.—The Chaldaean Account of the Deluge. TSBA II. 203-234.

---- The Eleventh Tablet of the Izdubar Legends. The Chaldaean Account of the Deluge. TSBA III. 530-596; also RP VII. 133.

Suess, Ed.—Die Sintfluth in 'Das Antlitz der Erde.' (Leipzig 1883.) pp. 25-98.

Talbot, H. Fox.—Ishtar and Izdubar, being the 6th Tablet of the Izdubar Series. Translated from the Cuneiform. TSBA V. 97-121; also RP IX. 119-128.

---- Commentary on the Deluge Tablet. TSBA IV. 49-83.

---- Tablet in the British Museum Relating Apparently to the Deluge. TSBA IV. 129-131.

[Pg 731]

VII.

Beliefs, Legends, Ethics, and Special Phrases of the Religion.

Ader, Cyrus.—The Views of the Babylonians Concerning Life after Death. AR, 1888, 92-101; see also PAOS, Oct. 1887, ccxxxviii.-ccxliii.

Ball, C. J.—Glimpses of Babylonian Religion. I. Human Sacrifices. II. The Gods and Their Images. PSBA XIV. 149-162.

Bonavia, E.—The Sacred Trees of the Assyrian Monuments. BOR III. 7-12, 35-40, 56-61; see also IV. 95, 96.

---- The Sacred Trees of Assyria. 9th ICO, pp. 245-257.

Boscawen, W. St. Chad.—Notes on the Religion and Mythology of the Assyrians. TSBA IV. 267-301.

---- Texts Bearing on the Belief in Immortality. (1) 12^th Izdubar Tablet. (2) Descent of Ishtar. (3) 7^th Izdubar Tablet. (4) Hymn to Marduk. BOR IV. 251-254.

---- Babylonian Witchcraft. ET, 1898, 228-230.

---- Notes on Assyrian Religion and Mythology. TSBA VI. 535-542.

---- Babylonian Teraphim. BOR I. 39, 40.

---- The Babylonian Legend of the Serpent Tempter. BOR IV. 251-255.

---- Oriental Eschatology (Egypt and Chaldaea). BOR VI. 38-42.

---- The Plague Legends of Chaldaea. BOR I. 11-14.

Clermont-Ganneau.—L'Enfer Assyrien. RAr, 2d Series, XXXVIII. 337-349.

Craig, James A.—The Babylonian Ishtar Epic. OTS VIII. 249-256.

Goessling, E.—Die Hölle nach Babylonisch-Assyrischer Anschauung. TZ, 1895, No. 3.

Halévy, J.—L'Immortalité de l'Âme chez les Peuples Semitiques. RAr, 2d Series, XLIV. 44-53.

[Pg 732]

Halévy, J.—Le Rapt de Perséphoné ou Proserpine par Pluton chez les Babyloniens. RS I. 372-376.

Haug, M.—Die Unsterblichkeit der Seele bei den Chaldäern. BAZ, 1875, Nos. 70, 71.

Heuzey, L.—Mythes Chaldéens. RA, 3d Series, XXVI. 295-308.

Hilprecht, H. V.—Serpent and Tree in Babylonian Records. SST, 1893, No. 52.

Hincks, Edward.—On the Assyrian Mythology. RIA Memoirs, 1854, 405-422.

Hommel, F.—Hexenverbrennungen im alten Babylonien. Münchener Neueste Nachrichten, 1896, No. 415.

Jastrow, Morris, Jr.—The Ethics of the Babylonians and Assyrians. ER. III. 65-77.

---- The Babylonian Term Shu'âlu. AJSL XIV. 165-170.

Jensen, Peter.—The Queen in the Babylonian Hades and Her Consort. SST, 1897, Nos. 11, 12.

---- The Supposed Babylonian Origin of the Week and the Sabbath. SST, 1892, No. 3.

Jeremias, A.—Die Babylonisch-Assyrischen Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode. (Leipzig 1897.)

---- Articles 'Arallu' and 'Etana.'

Kiesewetter, Carl.—Der Occultismus des Alterthums. (Leipzig 1896.) Book I. 364 seq., 'Der Occultismus bei den Akkadern, Babyloniern, Chaldäern und Assyriern.'

Laurent, A.—La Magie et la Divination chez les Chaldéo-Assyriens. (Paris 1894.)

Lenormant, F.—La Legende de Semiramis. (Paris 1872.)

Oppert, J.—L'Immortalité de l'Âme chez les Chaldéens. (Paris 1875.)

Pinches, T. G.—The Messianic Idea among the Early Babylonians and Assyrians. Academy, 1887, Nos. 816, 818, 820.[Pg 733]

Ravenshaw, E. C.—On the Winged Bulls, Lions, and Other Symbolical Figures from Nineveh. JRAS, 1854, 93-117.

Sayce, A. H.—Ancient Babylonian Moral and Political Precepts. RP VII. 119-122.

---- The Babylonian Legend of the Creation of Man. Academy, 1893, No. 1055.

---- Babylonian Folk-Lore. FLJ I. 16-22.

Scheil, Fr. V.—Relief Ciselé représentant une Scène Funéraire Babylonienne. RT XX. 59-62.

---- Le Culte de Gudéa. RT XVIII. 64-74.

Talbot, H. Fox.—On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. Nos. I., II., III., IV. TSBA I. 106-115; II. 29-79, 346-352.

---- Legend of the Descent of Ishtar. RP I. 141-149.

---- Revised Translation of the Descent of Ishtar with a Further Commentary. TSBA III. 118-135. Addenda pp. 357-360.

Thureau-Daugin, F.—Le Culte des Rois dans la Période Prébabylonienne. RT XIX. 185-187.

Tiele, C. P.—Cyrus de Groote en de Godsdienst van Babel in 'Melanges, Charles de Harlez' (Leiden 1896), 307-312.

Tyler, Thomas.—The Babylonian Idea of a Disembodied Soul. BOR I. 55-57.

Tylor, Edward B.—The Winged Figures of the Assyrians and Other Ancient Monuments. PSBA XII. 383-393; see also RHR XXII. 209-220.

Ward, W. H.—On the Representation of the Solar Disk. AJT II. 115-118.

Warren, W. F.—Gates of Sunrise in Ancient Babylonian Art. BOR III. 241-244.

Zimmern, H.—Vater, Sohn und Fürsprecher in der Babylonischen Gottesvorstellung. (Leipzig 1896.)

[Pg 734]

VIII.

Temples and Cult.

Ball, C. J.—Glimpses of Babylonian Religion. I. Human Sacrifices. II. The Gods and Their Images. PSBA XIV. 149-162.

Boscawen, W. St. Chad.—The Babylonian and Jewish Festivals. BOR IV. 34-38.

D'Alviella, Goblet.—Des Symboles qui ont influencé la Représentation figurée des Pierres Comiques chez les Semites. RHR XX. 135-150.

Jeremias, Johann.—Die Cultustafel von Sippar. BA I. 267-92.

Karppe, S.—Mélanges de Critique Biblique et d'Assyriologie. RS II. 146-151.

Koldewey, Robert.—Die altbabylonischen Gräber in Surghul und El Hibba. ZA II. 403-430.

Kohut, A.—The Talmudic Records of the Persian and Babylonian Festivals critically illustrated. AJSL XIV. 182-194. See also REJ XXIV. 256-271.

Menant.—Les Sacrifices sur les Cylindres Chaldéens. Gazette Archeologique, 1883, Nos. 7-9.

Perrot & Chiplez.—A History of Art in Chaldaea and Assyria. (London 1884.) Eng. trans. Vol. I. chapters III., IV.

Peters, J. P.—Nippur. Explorations and Adventures on the Euphrates. Vol. II. chapter V., The Oldest Temple in the World. Chapter VIII., Coffins and Burial Customs.

Pinches, T. G.—Sin-Gashid's Endowment of the Temple Ê-ana. RP, new series, I. 78-83. See also BOR I. 8-11.

---- A Fragment of a Babylonian Tithe List. Ib. I. 76-78.

---- Gifts to a Babylonian Bitili or Bethel. Ib. II. 142-145.[Pg 735]

Rawlinson, H. C.—On the Birs Nimrud, or the Great Temple of Borsippa. JRAS, 1861, 1-24.

Reber, F.—Ueber altchaldäische Kunst ... Der Tempelbau. ZA I. 149-164.

Sayce, A. H.—A Babylonian Saint's Cylinder. RP VII. 157-170.

---- On Human Sacrifice among the Babylonians. TSBA IV. 25-31.

Tiele, C. P.—De Hoofdtempel van Babel en die van Borsippa. KAW Afdeeling 'Letterkunde' (1886) 3^de Reeks Deel III; also in German ZA II. 179-190.

Tristram, H. B.—Sacrifices in Babylonia and Phoenicia. SST, 1894, No. 1.

Ward, W. H.—On Some Babylonian Cylinders, supposed to Represent Human Sacrifices. PAOS, May 1888, xxviii.-xxx.

IX.

Bearings on the Old Testament; General Influence.

Anz, Wilhelm.—Zur Frage nach dem Ursprung des Gnostizismus. (Leipzig 1897.) pp. 58-112, Die Herkunft ... aus Babylonien.

Ball, C. J.—The First Chapter of Genesis and the Babylonian Cosmogonies. PSBA XVIII.

Bonnett, E.—Les Découvertes Assyriennes et le Livre de la Genèse. (Paris 1884.)

Boscawen, W. St. Chad.—The Bible and the Monuments. (London 1895.)

Brandt, W.—Die Assyrisch-Babylonische Keilschriftliteratur und das Alte Testament. Deutsch-evang. Blätter, 1884. Heft 3. pp. 164-187.

Brown, Francis.—Critical review with valuable comments of E. Schrader's 'Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament.' AJP IV. 338-343.

---- The Sabbath in the Cuneiform Records. PR, 1882, 688-700.

---- Assyriology: Its Use and Abuse in Old Testament Study. (New York 1885.)[Pg 736]

Brown, Robert, Jr.—Semitic Influence in Hellenic Mythology. (London 1898.)

Buddensieg, R.—Die Assyrischen Ausgrabungen und das Alte Testament. (Heilbronn 1880.)

Delitzsch, Friedrich.—Wo Lag das Paradies? Eine Biblisch-Assyriologische Studie. (Leipzig 1881.)

Evetts, B. A.—New Light on the Bible and the Holy Land. (London 1892.)

Gruppe, O.—Die Griechischen Kulte und Mythen in ihren Beziehungen zu den Orientalischen Religionen. (Leipzig 1887.)

Gunkel, H.—Schöpfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit. (Göttingen 1895.)

Halévy, J.—Recherches Bibliques. (Paris 1896.)

Haupt, Paul.—Wo Lag das Paradies? Ueber Land und Meer, 1894-1895, No. 15.

Jastrow, Morris, Jr.—The Bible and the Assyrian Monuments. The Century Magazine, XLVII. 395-411.

---- The Original Character of the Hebrew Sabbath. AJT II. 312-352.

---- Adam and Eve in Babylonian Literature.

Jensen, P.—The Cult of Ashera and the Cult of Mary.

Kessler, K.—Ueber Gnosis und Altbabylonische Religion. 5^th ICO, II. Part I. 288-305.

Kellner, M. L.—The Deluge in the Izdubar Epic and the Old Testament.

[Pg 737]

Lacouperie, T. de.—Origin from Babylonia and Elam of the Early Chinese Civilization. Series of articles in the BOR III-VIII.

Lotz, W.—Quaestiones de Historia Sabbati. (Leipzig 1883.)

Lyon, D. G.—Assyrian Study: Its Bearing on the Old Testament. The Christian Register, 1885, Nos. 15, 16.

Menant, J.—Remarques sur un Cylindre du Musée Britannique. La Bible et les Cylindres Chaldéens. CR, 1879, 270-286.

Meyer, Ed.—Der Babylonische Einfluss auf Judenthum und Christenthum. BAZ, 1894, No. 344.

Oppert, J.—Origines Communes de la Chronologie Cosmogonique des Chaldéens el des Dates de la Genèse. APC, 6th series, XIII. 237-240.

Palmer, A. S.—Babylonian Influence on the Bible and Popular Beliefs. Têhôm and Tiâmat, Hades and Satan: a Comparative Study of Genesis, i., ii. (London 1897.)

Robiou, F.—L'État Religieux de la Grèce et de l'Orient au Siècle d'Alexandre ... II. Les Regions Syro-Babyloniens et l'Eran. (Paris 1896.)

Sayce, A. H.—The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments. (London 1894.)

----Fresh Light from the Ancient Monuments. (2d ed. London 1886.)

Schleussner.—Die Bedeutung der Ausgrabungen in dem Euphrat und Tigris-Gebiet für das Alte Testament. (Wittenberg 1892.)

Schrader, E.—Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. 3d ed. (Announced for 1898.)

Sillem, C. H. W.—Das Alte Testament im Lichte der Assyrischen Forschungen und ihrer Ergebnisse. (Hamburg 1877.)[Pg 738]

Simpson, William.—The Tower of Babel and the Birs Nimroud. TSBA IX. 307-332.

Stucken, Edward.—Astralmythen der Hebraer, Babylonier und Aegypter. Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, Parts I., II. (Leipzig 1896-1897.)

Tallquist, K. L.—Altbabylonischer Aberglauben in den Abendländern. [In Norwegian]; Valvoja, Helsingfors, 1896, 498-520.

----Fornbabyloniska och hebräiska psalmer. Finisk Tidskrift, Mars 1892.

Tiele, C. P..—Die Assyriologie und ihre Ergebnisse für die Religionsgeschichte.

Toy, C. H.—Esther as a Babylonian Goddess. The New World, VI. 130-145.

Vigouroux, F.—Le Bible et les Découvertes Modernes en Palestine, en Egypte et en Assyrie. 4 vols. (Paris 1884-1885.)

Wahrmund.—Babylonierthum, Judenthum und Christentum. (Leipzig 1882.)

Ward, W. H.—Light on Scriptural Texts from Recent Discoveries, Hebrew and Babylonian Poetry. The Homiletic Review, 1895, 408.

Zehnpfund, R.—Einige zeitgemässe Bemerkungen über den Wert der Assyriologie für die alttestamentliche Litteraturkritik. (Ernste Allotria. Dessau 1896.)

Zimmern, H.—Die Assyriologie als Hülfswissenschaft für das Studium des Alten Testaments und des Klassischen Alterthums. (Königsberg 1889.)

---- Zur Frage nach dem Ursprung des Purimfestes. (Zeits. f. alttest. Wiss., XI. 157-169.)

Zschokke, Hermann.—Ueber die Wichtigkeit der Assyriologischen Forschungen, insbesondere für das Alttestamentliche Bibelstudium. (Vienna 1884.)[Pg 739]

Index