A Voyage to Cacklogallinia, by Captain Samuel Brunt, et al

A Voyage to Cacklogallinia appeared in London, in 1727, from the pen of a pseudonymous "Captain Samuel Brunt." Posterity has continued to preserve the anonymity of the author, perhaps more jealously than he would have wished. Whatever his real parentage, he must for the present be referred only to the literary family of which his progenitor "Captain Lemuel Gulliver" is the most distinguished member.

Like so many other works of that period, A Voyage to Cacklogallinia has sometimes been attributed to Swift; its similarities to the fourth book of Gulliver's Travels are unmistakable. Again, the work has sometimes been attributed to Defoe. There is, however, no good reason to believe that either Defoe or Swift was concerned in its authorship, except in so far as both gave impetus to lesser writers in this form of composition.

Fortunately the authorship of the work is of little importance. It lives, not because of anything remarkable in the style or anything original in its author's point of view, but because of its satiric reflection of the background of its age. It is republished both because of its historical vi value and because of its peculiarly contemporary appeal today.

Its satire needs no learned paraphernalia of footnotes; it can be readily understood and appreciated by readers in an age dominated on the one hand by economics and on the other, by science. Its satire—not too subtle—is as pertinent in our own period as it was two hundred years ago. Its irony is concerned with stock exchanges and feverish speculation. It is a tale of incredible inflation and abrupt and devastating depression.

Its "voyage to the moon" has not lost its appeal to men and women who can still remember a period when human flights seemed incredible and who have lived to see "flying chariots" spanning oceans and continents and ascending into the stratosphere.

The first and most obvious interest of the tale is in its reflection of economic conditions in the early eighteenth century. The period following the Revolution of 1688 saw tremendous changes in attitudes toward credit and speculation. A new and powerful economic instrument was put into the hands of men who had not yet discovered its dangers. With the natural confusion which ensued between "credit" and "wealth," with a new emphasis upon the possible values inherent in "expectations of wealth" rather than immediate control over money, an unheard-of speculative emphasis appeared in business.

The rapid increase in new trades and vii new industrial systems afforded possibilities of immediate rise to affluence. The outside public engaged in speculation to a degree not before known. Exaggerated gains, violent fluctuations in prices, meteoric rises and collapses—these gave rein to a gambling spirit perennial in man. The word "Projects" enters into literature as a recurrent motif, strangely familiar to our present generation, which needs only to turn Defoe's Essay on Projects into contemporary language to see the similarities between the year 1697 and the year 1939. That essay is filled with talk of "new Inventions, Engines, and I know not what, which have rais'd the Fancies of Credulous People to such height, that merely on the shadow of Expectation, they have form'd Companies, chose Committees, appointed Officers, Shares, and Books, rais'd great Stocks, and cri'd up an empty Notion to that degree that People have been betray'd to part with their Money for Shares in a New-Nothing."

Of the many speculative schemes of the early eighteenth century, none is better known than the "South Sea Bubble." After a long period during which English trade with the Spanish West Indies was carried on by subterfuge, an Act of Parliament in 1710 incorporated into a joint-stock company the state creditors, upon the basis of their loan of ten million pounds to the Government and conferred upon them the viii monopoly of the English trade with the Indies.

In spite of these advantages, however, the South Sea Company found itself so hampered and limited in credit that it offered to convert the national debt into a "single redeemable obligation" to the company in return for a monopoly of British foreign trade outside England. The immediate and spectacular effect of that offer is reflected in the many descriptions, both serious and satiric, of an era of speculation which to many generations might seem incredible—though not to this generation which has itself lived through an orgy of speculation.

Clearly the South Sea Bubble, which reached its climax in 1720, was the chief source of Captain Samuel Brunt's satire, which has an important place in the minor literature called forth by the wild speculation connected with the Bubble.¹ If the "Projects" proposed to Captain Brunt² seem extreme to any modern reader, let him turn to the list of "bubbles," still accessible in many places.³ Nothing in Brunt is so fantastic ix as many of the actual schemes suggested and acted upon in the eighteenth century.

The possibility of extracting gold from the mountains of the moon is no more fanciful than several of the proposals seriously received by Englishmen under the spell of speculation. As in the kingdom of Cacklogallinia, so in London, men mortgaged their homes and women sold their jewels ⁴ in order to purchase shares in wildcat companies, born one day, only to die the next. As the anonymous author of one of many South Sea Ballads wrote in his "Merry Remarks upon Exchange Alley Bubbles":

Our greatest ladies hither come,
And ply in chariots daily;
Oft pawn their jewels for a sum
To venture in the Alley.

The meteoric rise in the price of shares in the moon-mountain project of the Cacklogallinians is no greater than the actual rise in prices of shares during the South Sea Bubble, when, between April and July, 1720, shares rose from £120 to £1,020. The fluctuating market of the Cacklogallinian 'Change, which responded to every rumor, follows faithfully the actual situation in London in 1720; and the final crash x which shook Cacklogallinian foundations—subtly suggested by Brunt's unwillingness to return and face the enraged multitude—is an echo of the crash which shook England when the Bubble was pricked.

But its reflection of the economic background of the age is not the only reason for the interest and importance of A Voyage to Cacklogallinia, either in its generation or in our own. The little tale has its place in the history of science, particularly in that movement of science which, beginning with the "new astronomy" in the early seventeenth century, was to produce one of the most important chapters in the history of aviation.⁵ So far as literature is concerned, A Voyage to Cacklogallinia belongs to the literary genre of "voyages to the moon" which from Lucian to H.G. Wells (even to modern "pulp magazines") have enthralled human imagination. Yet while its fantasy looks back to Lucian's Icaro-Menippus, who flew to the moon by using the wing of a vulture and the wing of an eagle, its suggestion of the growing scientific temper of modern times makes it much more than mere xi fantasy. In the semilegendary history of Iran is to be found a tale, retold by Firdausi in the Shaknameh of Kavi Usan, who "essayed the sky To outsoar angels" by fastening four eagles to his throne. The Iranian motif was adopted in the romances of Alexander the Great and so passed into European literature. The researches of Leonardo da Vinci upon the muscles of birds and the principles of the flight of birds brought over to the realm of science ideas long familiar in tale and legend. Francis Bacon did not hesitate to suggest in his Natural History (Experiment 886) that there are possibilities of human flight by the use of birds and "advises others to think further upon this experiment as giving some light to the invention of the art of flying."

John Wilkins, one of the most influential early members of the Royal Society, in his Mathematicall Magick,⁶ in 1648, suggested "four several ways whereby this flying in the air hath been or may be attempted." He listed, as the second, "By the help of fowls." Ten years earlier there appeared in England during the same year two works which were to have great influence in popularizing the theme of light: Wilkins's xii Discovery of a World in the Moone,⁷ a serious semiscientific work on the nature of the moon and the possibility of man's flying thither, and a prose romance by Francis Godwin, The Man in the Moone: or, A Discourse of a Voyage thither by D. Gonsales.⁸ These two works were largely responsible for the emergence of the old theme of flight to the moon in imaginative literature; the English translation of Lucian at almost the same time perhaps aided in advancing the popularity of the idea.

The similarities between Brunt's romance and Godwin's tale a century earlier are too striking to be fortuitous, and, indeed, there is no question that Brunt used Godwin as one of his chief sources. An earlier Robinson Crusoe, an idyllic Gulliver's Travels, Godwin's The Man in the Moone helped to establish in English literature the vogue of the traveler's tale to strange countries. Domingo, like Captain Samuel Brunt, draws from the "exotic" tradition. Both travelers find themselves in strange lands; both experience xiii many other adventures before they make their way to the moon, drawn by birds.

But the century which elapsed between Godwin's fanciful tale and Brunt's fantastic romance felt the impact of the new science. No matter how clearly both tales draw from old traditions of legend and literature, no matter how many elements of fantasy remain, there is a profound and fundamental difference between them. Godwin's hero made his way to the moon by mere chance; it happened that he harnessed himself to his gansas during their period of hibernation.

Too late, he discovered that gansas hibernate in the moon! The earlier voyage took only "Eleven or Twelve daies"—and that by gansa power! The earlier author did not suggest that his hero encountered any particular difficulties of respiration, nor did he pause to consider in detail the problem of the nature of the intervening air through which his hero passed.

But a hundred years of science had intervened between Godwin's tale and that of Captain Samuel Brunt. The later voyage to the moon is no less fantastic in its outlines than is the earlier, yet it shows clearly the impact of science upon popular imagination. The imagination of man had expanded with the expanding universe. Brunt takes care to indicate the vast distance between the earth and the moon by subtle mathematical suggestion.

Although both travelers flew xiv "with incredible swiftness," the eighteenth-century flyers found that it was "about a Month before we came into the Attraction of the Moon." Brunt's account of the preparation for the ascent into the orb of the moon is almost as careful as a modern account of an ascent into the stratosphere. His bird flyers lay their plans deliberately and upon the basis of the most recent scientific discoveries.

There is nothing fortuitous about their final ascent. Brunt was clearly aware of the work of many scientists, notably Boyle, upon the nature and rarefaction of the air. His flyers proceed by slow stages, accustoming themselves gradually to the rarefied air, assisting their respiration by the use of wet sponges. They learn by experience the answer to the problems with which Godwin's mind had played but which many later scientific writers had considered more definitely: what is the nature of gravity; how far beyond the confines of the earth does it extend; what would happen to man could he "pass the Atmosphere"? The generation to which Captain Samuel Brunt belonged might still delight in the fantastic; but like our own generation, it insisted that fantasy must rest upon that which is at least scientifically possible, if not probable.

A Voyage to Cacklogallinia is republished today because of its appeal to many readers. It offers something to the student of economic history; something to the student of early science. xv It is one of several little-known "voyages to the moon," of which the most famous are those of Cyrano de Bergerac, a form of reading in which our ancestors delighted and which deserve to be collected. But apart from having a not-inconsiderable historical interest, it remains the kind of tale which may be read at any time because it appeals to the fundamental love of adventure in human beings.

Its author was undoubtedly only one of many men who, under the influence of Godwin, Swift, and others, could weave a tale in an accepted pattern. Yet there are elements which make it unique; and it deserves at least this opportunity of rising phoenix-like from the ashes of the past and being treasured by posterity.

1. The best treatment of the South Sea Bubble for students of literature will be found in Lewis Melville, The South Sea Bubble, Boston, 1923. The author has also included in his volume extracts from dozens of satires which appeared after 1720. He does not, however, mention A Voyage to Cacklogallinia.

3. The list of "bubbles" may be found in Melville, op. cit., chap, iv; Cobbett, Parliamentary History, VII, 656 ff., Somers, Tracts [ed. 1815], XIII, 818.

4. Contemporary letters indicating the interest of both men and women in speculation may be found in Historical Manuscripts Commission, XLV, 200, and CXXV, 288, 294-95, 349-50.

5. I have discussed the relationship between aviation and the "new astronomy" in several articles dealing with voyages to the moon. Bibliography may be found in two of these, "A World in the Moon," in Smith College Studies in Modern Languages, Vol. XVII (No. 2, January, 1936), and "Swift's 'Flying Island' in the 'Voyage to Laputa,'" Annals of Science, II (October, 1937), 405-31.

6. Mathematicall Magick; or, The Wonders That May Be Performed by Mechanicall Geometry, London, 1648; in Mathematical and Philosophical Works, London, 1802, II, 199.

7. The Discovery of a World in the Moone; or, A Discourse Tending to Prove, That 'Tis Probable There May Be Another Habitable World in That Planet, London, 1638.

8. The Man in the Moone; or, A Discourse of a Voyage thither by D. Gonsales, [By F.G.], London, 1638. This has recently been republished from the first edition by Grant McColley in Smith College Studies in Modern Languages XIX (1937).

A Voyage To Cacklogallinia

Othing is more common than a Traveller's beginning the Account of his Voyages with one of his own Family; in which, if he can't boast Antiquity, he is sure to make it up with the Probity of his Ancestors. As it can no way interest my Reader, I shall decline following a Method, which I can't but think ridiculous, as unnecessary. I shall only say, that by the Death of my Father and Mother, which happen'd while I was an Infant, I fell to the Care of my Grandfather by 2 my Mother, who was a Citizen of some Note in Bristol, and at the Age of Thirteen sent me to Sea Prentice to a Master of a Merchant-man.

My two first Voyages were to Jamaica, in which nothing remarkable happen'd. Our third Voyage was to Guinea and Jamaica; we slaved, and arrived happily at that Island; but it being Time of War, and our Men fearing they should be press'd (for we were mann'd a-peak) Twelve, and myself, went on Shore a little to the Eastward of Port Morante, designing to foot it to Port Royal. We had taken no Arms, suspecting no Danger; but I soon found we wanted Precaution: For we were, in less than an Hour after our Landing, encompass'd by about Forty Run-away Negroes, well arm'd, who, without a Word speaking, pour'd in upon us a Volley of Shot, which laid Eight of our Company dead, and wounded the rest. I was shot thro' the right Arm.

After this Discharge, they ran upon us with their Axes, and (tho' we cried for Mercy) cruelly butcher'd my remaining four Companions.

I had shared their Fate, had not he who seemed to Head the Party, interposed between me and the fatal Axe 3 B2 already lifted for my Destruction. He seized the designed Executioner by the Arm, and said, No kill te Boy, me scavez him; me no have him make deady. I knew not to what I should attribute this Humanity, and was not less surprized than pleas'd at my Escape.

They struck off the Heads of my Companions, which they carried with 'em to the Mountains, putting me in the Center of the Company.

I march'd very pensively, lamenting the Murder of my Ship-mates, and often wish'd the Negro who saved me had been less charitable; for I began to doubt I was reserved for future Tortures, and to be made a Spectacle to their Wives and Children; when my Protector coming up to me, said, No be sadd, Sam, you no scavez me? I look'd earnestly at the Fellow, and remember'd he was a Slave of a Planter's, a distant Relation of mine, who had been a long while settled in the Island: He had twice before run from his Master, and while I was at the Plantation my first Voyage, he was brought in, and his Feet ordered to be cut off to the Instep (a common Punishment inflicted on run-away Slaves) by my Intercession this was remitted, and he escaped with a Whipping.

4 I ask'd if his Name was not Cuffey, Mr. Tenant's Negro? My Name Cuffey, said he, me no * Baccararo Negro now; me Freeman. You no let cutty my Foot, so me no let cutty your Head; no be sadd, you have bumby grande † yam yam.

* Baccararo, the Name Negroes give the Whites.

† Yam yam, in Negroes Dialect, signifies victuals.

He endeavoured to comfort me under my Afflictions in this barbarous Dialect; but I was so possess'd with the Notion of my being reserv'd to be murdered, that I received but little Consolation.

We marched very slowly, both on account of the Heat, and of the Plunder they had got from some Plantations; for every one had his Load of Kidds, Turkies, and other Provisions.

About Three in the Afternoon, we reach'd a Village of run-away Negroes, and we were received by the Inhabitants with all possible Demonstrations of Joy. The Women sung, danc'd, and clapp'd their Hands, and the Men brought Mobby (a sort of Drink) and Rum, to welcome the return'd Party. One of the Negro Men ask'd Cuffey, why he did not bring my Head, instead of bringing me alive? He gave his Reason, at which he seem'd satisfied, but said it was dangerous 5 B3 to let a Baccararo know their Retreat; that he would tell Captain Thomas, and he must expect his Orders concerning me.

Cuffey said he would go to give Captain Thomas an Account of what had happen'd in this Sortie, and would carry me with him. As they spoke in the Negroes English, I understood them perfectly well. My Friend then went to Captain Thomas, who was the Chief of all the run-away Blacks, and took me with him. This Chief of theirs was about Seventy Five Years old, a hale, strong, well-proportion'd Man, about Six Foot Three Inches high; the Wooll of his Head and his Beard were white with Age, he sat upon a little Platform rais'd about a Foot from the Ground, accompanied by Eight or Ten near his own Age, smoaking Segars, which are Tobacco Leaves roll'd up hollow.

Cuffey, at his Entrance, threw himself on his Face, and clapp'd his Hands over his Head; then rising, he, with a visible Awe in his Countenance, drew nearer, and address'd the Captain in the Cholomantæan Language, in which he gave an Account, as I suppose, of his Expedition; for when he had done speaking, my Comrades Heads were 6 brought in, and thrown at the Captain's Feet, who returned but a short Answer to Cuffey, tho' he presented him with a Segar, made him sit down, and drank to him in a Calabash of Rum.

After this Ceremony, Captain Thomas address'd himself to me in perfect good English. Young Man, said he, I would have you banish all Fear; you are not fallen into the Hands of barbarous Christians, whose Practice and Profession are as distant as the Country they came from, is from this Island, which they have usurp'd from the original Natives. Capt. Cuffey's returning the Service you once did him, by saving your Life, which we shall not, after the Example of your Country, take in cold Blood, may give you a Specimen of our Morals. We believe in, and fear a God, and whatever you may conclude from the Slaughter of your Companions, yet we are far from thirsting after the Blood of the Whites; and it's Necessity alone which obliges us to what bears the face of Cruelty. Nothing is so dear to Man as Liberty, and we have no way of avoiding Slavery, of which our Bodies wear the inhuman Marks, but by a War, in which, if we give no Quarter, the English must blame themselves; since even, with a shew of Justice, they put to the most cruel Deaths those among us, who 7 B4 have the Misfortune to fall into their Hands; and make that a Crime in us (the Desire of Liberty, I mean) which they look upon as the distinguishing Mark of a great Soul. Your Wound shall be dress'd; you shall want nothing necessary we have; and we will see you safe to some Plantation the first Opportunity. All the Return we expect, is, that you will not discover to the Whites our Place of Retreat: I don't exact from you an Oath to keep the Secret; for who will violate his Word, will not be bound down, by calling God for a Witness. If you betray us, he will punish you; and the Fear of your being a Villain shall not engage me to put it out of your Power to hurt us, by taking the Life of one to whom any of us has promised Security. Go and repose your self, Captain Cuffey will shew you his House.

I made an Answer full of Acknowledgments, and Cuffey carried me home, where my Hurt, which was a Flesh Wound, was dress'd: He saw me laid on a Matrass, and left me. About Eight, a Negro Wench brought me some Kid very well drest, and leaving me, bid me good Night. Notwithstanding my Hurt, I slept tolerably well, being heartily fatigued with the Day's Walk.

8 Next Morning, Cuffey saw my Wound drest by a Negro sent for from another Village, who had been Slave to a Surgeon several Years, and was very expert in his Business. The Village where I was contained about Two and Fifty Houses, made of wild Canes and Cabbage Trees; it was the Residence of Captain Thomas. Here were all sorts of Handicrafts, as, Joyners, Smiths, Gunsmiths, Taylors, &c. for in Jamaica the Whites teach their Slaves the Arts they severally exercise. The Houses were furnished with all Necessaries, which they had plundered from the Plantations; and they had great Quantities of Corn and Dunghill Fowl.

Captain Thomas sometimes sent for me, and endeavour'd, by his Kindness, to make my Stay among 'em as little irksome as possible. He often entertain'd me with the Cruelty of the English to their Slaves, and the Injustice of depriving Men of that Liberty they were born to.

In about a Fortnight, my Wound was thoroughly cured, and I begg'd of Captain Thomas to let me be directed to the next Plantation. He promis'd I shou'd, as, soon as he could do it with Safety. I waited with Patience, for I did not think it just he should, for my sake, hazard 9 his own, and the Lives of his Followers.

About a Week after this Promise, I reminded him of it, and he told me, that a Party from a Neighbour Village being out, he could not send me away: For shou'd those Men miscarry, he might be suspected of having, by my Means, betray'd 'em to make his own Peace with the Whites; for (said he) the Treachery our People have observed among those of your Colour, has made 'em extreamly suspicious. I was obliged to seem contented with his Reason, and waited the Return of this Party, which in about ten Days after, came back, laden with Provisions, Kitchen Furniture and Bedding; but the most acceptable part of their Booty, was Two small Caggs of Powder, of Eight Pound Weight each, and near Two Hundred of Lead. They also brought with 'em the Heads of the Overseer, and the Distiller belonging to Littleton's Plantation, both white Men, whom they met separately in the Woods.

Captain Thomas now promis'd me, that the next Day I should be guided to Plantane-Garden-River-Plantation, which was no small Satisfaction to me. I left the Captain at Eleven o' Clock who gave Orders for the entertaining the Party, 10 and the spending the Day in Merriment. About Three, when they were in the midst of their Jollity, one of the Scouts brought Word, that he had discovered a Party of white Men, who were coming up the Mountain. The Captain immediately ordered all the Women and Children to a more remote Village, and sent for the ablest Men from thence, while he prepared to give the Enemy a warm Reception. Every Man took a Fusil, a Pistol, and an Axe: Ambuscades were laid in all the Avenues to the Village; he exhorted his Men to behave themselves bravely, there being no way to save their Lives, but by exposing them for the common Safety. He told 'em, they had many Advantages; for the Whites did not so well, as they, know all the Passages to the Mountain; and that they could not, at most, march in the widest, above Two a-breast; that the Way was rugged, troublesome to climb, and expos'd them to their Fire, while they lay hid in their Ambuscades he had appointed 'em. But (said he) were we to meet 'em upon even Terms, yet our Circumstances ought to inspire Resolution in the most fearful: For, were any among us of so poor a Spirit, to prefer Slavery to Death, Experience shews us, all Hopes of Life, even on such vile 11 Terms, are entirely vain. It is then certainly more eligible to die bravely in Defence of our Liberty, than to end our Lives in lingring and exquisite Torments by the Hands of an Executioner. For my Part, I am resolved never to fall alive into the Hands of the Whites, and I think every one in the same Circumstances ought to take the same Resolution.

After this Exhortation, and the Departure of those laid in Ambush, he order'd me to go with the Women, Children, and Cuffey, whom he had sent to head the Men he had commanded from the other Village. I had not been gone a Quarter of an Hour, in which time I was hardly got Half a Mile, before I heard a very warm Firing. We went still higher up the Mountain, thro' a very difficult Passage; the Village we were order'd to, was about half a League from that we left, than which it was much larger, and more populous; for here were at least One Hundred and Twenty Houses, and as many able Men, with about four times the Number of Women and Children.

The Alarm had been given them by an Express from Captain Thomas, and we met about half way, near Fifty Negroes arm'd in the manner already mentioned. 12 They were headed by an old Woman, whom they look'd upon a Prophetess. Cuffey recommended me to her Protection, took upon him the Command of the Men, and return'd, after asking this Beldame's Blessing, which she gave him with Assurance of repelling the Whites.

The Fire all this while was very brisk, and the old Woman said to me, that she saw those in Ambush run away from the Whites, tho' she lay with her Face on the Ground. No matter, continued she, let the Cowards perish, the Whites will burn Cormaco (the Village I came from) that's all. They come again another Day, then poor Negroes all lost.

The Shot continued near two Hours, but not with near that Briskness it began; and the old Woman rising, bid me see the Smoke of Cormaco. Captain Thomas, said she, send away the white Man.

I staid by my Protectress, whom I durst not quit, tho' I did not like her Company. About half an Hour after the Shot began, and continued for near that Space pretty brisk, and then ceas'd. Soon after, we saw a Negro dispatch'd by Captain Thomas, who told us the Whites had burnt Cormaco, but were gone away, and that Captain Thomas 13 was coming. He appeared not long after with Cuffey, and about Forty other Negroes. I learn'd from him, that the English, by Fault of their Scouts, had seized the Places where he design'd his Ambushes, kill'd Part of the Men he had sent, and pursued the rest to the Village, where they defended themselves, till the Whites had broke thro' the back Part of some Houses, and set Fire to the whole Village; that he then retired with his Men up the Mountains, the Whites following him; but he having the Start, while they were busied in burning and plundering, he wheel'd round, and came upon their Backs, and from the Woods and Bushes poured in his Shot; his Men being all well cover'd, the Whites did them no Harm, and thought proper to retire with the Loss of Six Men, and many wounded, for there were Thirty and a Captain. We have lost, said he, Twenty Two Men, and our Village is burnt. Soon after, we were join'd by about Forty more Negroes, and we all went to the Village I was order'd to, which they called Barbascouta.

The next Morning, a Council was call'd, which breaking up, four Negroes, who had not behaved well in this last 14 Action, were brought bound, and laid in the largest Street upon their Backs; all the Women and Children piss'd upon them; after which, Captain Thomas told 'em, That the Example they had given, had it been follow'd, must have ended in the Destruction of 'em all; and tho' their Crime was pardon'd, and their Lives given 'em, yet they must not hereafter think of being Freemen, since they did not deserve that Liberty which they were not zealous in defending; neither cou'd they, after the Disgrace they had suffer'd, and which they deservedly had brought on themselves, hope ever to be admitted into the Company of brave Men, were they exempted from the Slavery to which their Pusillanimity had condemn'd 'em. After this they were sold to the best Bidder. I remember, he who was sold at the greatest Price, brought no more than Two Dozen of Fowls and a Kid, to be paid the next publick Festival. The Scout who had not given timely Advice of the Enemy's Approach, was next brought out and beheaded; and Three, who run away at the first Attack, were hang'd. Out-Centinels were placed, and all the Men lay that Night on their Arms, for Qwanaboa, their Prophetess, foretold another Attack, which she apprehended wou'd 15 prove their Ruine, if not prevented by uncommon Vigilance and Bravery.

Four Days pass'd, and none of the Enemy appearing, they began to recover their Spirits, and grew less cautious; their most advanced Scouts were recalled, and they imagin'd the English had no Knowledge of this Village. The Fifth at Night, when they were in perfect Tranquillity, the English, who had, by a distant and difficult way, climb'd the Mountains, and got above the Village, about Twelve at Night, came down upon 'em, and were in the Streets before the Negroes had any Inkling of their being so near. They enter'd the Village with Thirty or Forty Men, and about half that Number intercepted all the Ways. Here began a cruel Slaughter, for none they could light on were spared, but Women and Children, who were all taken. Capt. Thomas fought, and died like a Hero; my grateful Cuffey, join'd by about a Dozen more, made all possible Resistance; but finding their utmost Efforts useless, taking me with them, with Menaces, if I did not go freely, they clamber'd over some Rocks, and skulking thro' the thick of the Woods, reach'd a Morass on the top of the Mountain, where we lay hid Three Days. The Fourth, press'd by 16 Hunger, Six of 'em ventured out to get Plantanes, but they never returned; for which Reason, the Fifth Day we went in Search of Food. At Night we got into a Plantane Walk, from whence, after having fill'd our Bellies, and loaded our Backs, with the ripe Fruit, we retired to the Woods.

Next Day, Cuffey went out by himself, and, at his Return, told us, he had observ'd a large Canoe with Sails and Paddles, at the Sea Side, which belonged he believ'd to some Fishing Negroes. He propos'd the siezing, loading it with Plantanes, and going to the Spanish Coast, which he was sure he could make shift to find, having been there with the Buccaniers. This was unanimously agreed to by the rest. I desired to be left behind, but their Fear wou'd not let 'em consent to my Stay. At Night we went again to the Plantane Walk, where I hop'd to make my Escape; but one of 'em always held me by the Arm, suspecting I would give 'em the slip. Being loaded, we follow'd Cuffey to the Canoe, where we found a Negro asleep, whom they bound, and having taken what Plantanes they thought fit, and found two large Runlets of Water in the Canoe, with Fishing-nets and other Tackle, they set Sail about 17 C Eleven o' Clock with a fine Hand Breeze, which carried us before Day to the last End of the Island.

The next Day about Even, we saw Hispaniola, and landed at Four o'Clock the Day following in a Creek, where we filled our Runlets with fresh Water, and going up into the Country, we catched a Number of Land Crabbs, which we dress'd and eat.

We lay two Days in this Creek, and in the Night of the second, coasted along the Island unperceived; but as we cross'd the Streights between Cape Maese and Cape Nicholas, which divides the Islands of Hispaniola and Cuba, we were seen and chased by a Sloop, which very soon came up with us, and proved a Free-booter, whose Crew was of all Nations and Colours. They offer'd the Seven Negroes their Liberty, and each Half a Share of an able Seaman, which they readily accepted. To me they would have given a whole Share, but I refusing to join 'em, they resolved to set me on Shore with the first Conveniency, tho' some were for throwing me over-board.

We were Eight Days without seeing a Sail, but the Ninth, about Break of day the Man at the Top-mast Head, descried one on our Leeward Bow. The 18 Pyrates immediately prepared for an Engagement; we clapp'd our Helm a-weather, eas'd out our Main-sheet, and gave Chase. She proved a tall Ship, and did not seem to make Sail to avoid us; which was the Reason we brought to, and a Consultation was held, whether it was safe or not to venture upon her? It was resolved in the Affirmative. In Consequence of this, we bore away for her, and when we were in less than Gun Shot, we perceived she was very deep, Spanish built, and mounted Thirty Guns by the Number of Ports, tho' we were surprized they were all close, and not a Man appeared on her Decks.

The Resolution was taken, to board on the Quarter, which they did; but seeing no body appear, they feared some Stratagem. However, some of the Crew ran into the Steerage and Great Cabbin; but seeing nobody, they went between Decks, and, upon Examination, found her a Ship abandon'd, and that she had Six Foot Water in the Hold. They took out of the Great Cabbin Two Chests of Pieces of Eight, with some Hammocks and Cloaths from between Decks, and so left her.

The next Day, we spied another Sail, which gave us Chase: We lay bye, till 19 C2 we saw she was an Overmatch for us; for by the Canvass she spread, we concluded her no less than a Man of War of Fifty Guns. We clapp'd upon a Wind, and made all the Sail, and lay as close as we possibly could, but it blowing a fresh Gale, we found she gain'd upon us. This obliged our Men to throw over the Treasure which they had found the Day before, and had been the Cause of no small Joy. Finding she still gained upon us, we threw over our Eight Guns, which together with the Wind's slackening, was the Means of our Escape; for now we visibly wrong'd the Ship, and in less than Six Hours, lost her.

The Loss of the Money was a considerable Affliction to the Crew, but that of their Guns was so great a one, it had well near set them all together by the Ears. Some condemn'd the Captain for ordering them to be thrown over, others justifying what he had done, as the only Means of their Escape. At length, good Words, and a Bowl of Punch the Captain made for each Mess, laid this Storm for a while; but that which at first pacify'd these turbulent Spirits, was what blew them up again: For when they were all drunk, the Boatswain said the Captain was a Coward, and took a Merchant-man 20 for a Man of War: That his Fear had magnified the Object, and deprived them of the Means of either taking others, or defending themselves. This he said in the Captain's Hearing, who, without returning any Answer, took a Pistol from his Girdle, and shot him dead; and then seizing another Mutineer, he ordered him a Hundred Lashes at the Gangway, which were very honestly paid him.

After this, he called all Hands upon Deck, and told them he should not be fit to command so many brave Fellows, would he suffer any to insult him: That if any on board thought he was a braver Man than himself, he was ready to shew him his Error, either with his Fusil, Pistol, or Cutlass: That since they had done him the Honour to chuse him Captain, he would carry Command, which all brave and experienced Men knew necessary, and none but Cowards would murmur at. That, as to the Boatswain, he had deserved his Death, since one Mutineer was enough to breed Confusion in the Vessel, which must end in the Destruction of them all. What, continued he, I have already said, I repeat, If any Man has a Mind to exchange a Ball with me, I am ready for him; but while I am Captain, I will be Captain, 21 C3 and let the boldest of ye disobey my Commands. This resolute Procedure quash'd the Mutineers, and he ever after kept a strict Command, and was esteemed a gallant Man.

Two Days after this, we fell in with a Spanish Garde de Costa, and Two Sloops; they boarded, and with very little Resistance, took the Ship, tho' she had Fourscore Hands on board, and our Sloop but Ninety. She was mounted with Twenty Guns, but her great Shot did us but little Damage. The two Sloops were English, going to the Bay of Campechy with Provisions, which we wanted very much. They were taken but the Day before by the Spaniards, and tho' they endeavoured to get off, when they saw we had carried the Frigate, yet our Sloop wrong'd 'em so much, that we soon came up with, and took them. There were Twelve Englishmen on board the Prize, Four of which took on with us.

Our Captain now quitted his Sloop, went on board the Ship, which he called the Basilisk, and left the Three Sloops to the Spaniards. The Eight English, who refused to take on with him, he kept on board, promising to set them on shore on the East End of Jamaica in few Days, but refused them one of the Sloops, 22 which they desired; I suppose, fearing, at their Arrival, some Man of War might be sent in Search of him, or, may be, hoping to bring them over, for, it's certain he had no Design to land them as he promis'd.

Our Ship's Crew was now extreamly jocund, for they had Provisions for at least Three Months, with what they took out of the English Sloops, and, in Money, they found upwards of an Hundred and Sixty Thousand Pieces of Eight, and Two Thousand Gold Quadruples. We lost but Three Men in boarding, so that our Crew, with the Four English who join'd 'em, consisted of Ninety and One Man.

For Three Weeks after we met with no Adventure; wherefore the Captain resolved to cruize off the Havana, and many of our Water-casks being emptied, and we not far from the River of Chagre, we made for, and came to an Anchor at the Mouth of that River, and sent our Boats ashore with the Casks.

After we had water'd, we steer'd for the Havana, and between Portobello and Carthagena, we spied a Sail; as she clapp'd upon a Wind, as soon as she descry'd us, and we went upon One Mast, we soon met, but were as willing to shake her off, as we had been to speak to 23 C4 her. She proved a Forty Gun French Ship, which handled us without the least Ceremony. We began the Fight by a Broad-side, as we were under her Stern, which raked her fore and aft, and must, doubtless, as she was full of Men, do great Execution. She returned the Compliment; and tho' we lost but few Men, yet they miserably cut our Rigging. Our Captain found his Business was to board, or her Weight of Metal would soon send us to the Bottom. We enter'd the greater Number of our Men, who were so warmly received, that but few came off; and as she was preparing to board us in her Turn, if we had not, by a lucky Shot, brought her Main-top-mast by the board, by which Accident we got off, she had certainly carried us. Upon this we got our Fore-Tack to the Cat-head, hoisted our Top-sails a-trip, and went away all Sails drawing. In few Hours we lost Sight of her, and then upon the Muster, we found that she had kill'd us Two and Forty of our Men, and wounded Fifteen, which was a very sensible Loss, and made the Captain alter his Course, and think of lying off Campechy, in hopes of geting more Men.

He order'd all the well Men upon Deck, and proposed it to 'em: They all 24 agreed it was the best Course they cou'd take, and many of them advised to quit the Ship, for the first good Sloop which should fall in their Way. The Captain answered, it was Time enough to think of that when they had met with one for their Turn.

They now fell to knotting and splicing the Rigging, when the Day began to be overcast, and threaten dirty Weather: The Thunder growl'd at a distance, and it began to blow hard; a smart Thunder-shower was succeeded by a Flash of Lightning, which shiver'd our Main-mast down to the Step. A dreadful Peal of Thunder follow'd; the Sea began to run high, the Wind minutely encreas'd, and dark Clouds intercepted the Day; so that we had little more Light, than what the terrifying flashes of Lightning afforded us. Our Captain, who was an able Seaman, at the first Signal of an approaching Storm, handed his Top-sails, took a Reef in his Foresail, and the Men were furling the Mainsail, when the Lightning shiver'd the Mast, which was cut away with the utmost Expedition. We lay some time under a Mizzen-balast, but were at last forc'd to put before the Wind, and, for Four Days, we scudded with the Goose-wings of our Foresail, in 25 which Time we had not the least Glimpse of Sun or Stars, but by very short Intervals; nor indeed did I see them, till after we struck, but by Slatches. The Fifth Day, about Noon, our Foremast came by the board; we broach'd to, and a Sea fill'd us; we were at our Dying Rowls, and every Man gave himself for lost. But in this Danger, which ought to have awakened those unhappy Wretches, to some Care of their future Happiness, the Ship rang with Imprecations, and not a Word was uttered, not back'd with Oaths and Curses. However, it pleased the Great Disposer of Life and Death, that the Ship cleared her self of the Water, which had filled the Waist to the Top of the Gunnel. They did all they could to keep her Head to the Sea, and setting up a small Jury-mast, to which they clapp'd a Top-gallant-yard, we again scudded, altogether ignorant where we were; for a Sea which pooped us the second Day, had carried away the Binnacle with the Two Compasses; and they either had not, or knew not, where to find another. We left our selves to the Mercy of the Sea and Wind, for we had no other Party to take; and tho' the former run Mountain-high, yet finding the Ship made no Water, the Captain apprehended 26 no Danger, but that of being drove on some Coast.

I had not the least Compassion for any of the Pyrates, he alone excepted; for he was much more humane to us who would not take on with him, than could be expected from one of his Profession, which he told me, one Day, he had enter'd upon much against his Inclinations, and that he would gladly quit that detestable Life, were it possible for him: But as he had no Hopes of Pardon, having, on board a Man of War, killed a Boatswain, who abused him, he was obliged to continue his Villainies for his own Security. This Man alone shewed some Sense of a Deity. I never heard him in the Storm swear an Oath; but, on the contrary, I often heard him, as by stealth, say, Lord have Mercy on me! Great God forgive me! The Seventh Day, a Sea poop'd us, and wash'd away this unhappy Man, and the Two who were at the Wheel, whom we never more set Eyes on. Two others immediately stepp'd into their Places. The Loss of the Captain was an Addition to our Misfortune, which together with the violent Continuance of the Storm, took away all Hopes of Safety.

27 On the Tenth Day, about Nine in the Morning, we struck upon a Rock with that Violence, that those who were in their Hammocks were thrown out, and those who walk'd the Deck, were struck off their Legs. The Pumps were immediately try'd, and some ran into the Hold, and found the Ship made a great deal of Water. They plied the Pumps, but in less than ten Minutes, she struck again, and a Sea coming over us, I saw no more either of the Ship or the Crew. I rose by the Side of a large Timber, which I laid hold of, and got upon, heartily recommending my self to my Creator, and sincerely endeavouring to reconcile myself to my God, by an unfeigned Repentance of the Follies of my past Life, and by making a very solemn Resolution, that if his Mercy should preserve me from a Danger which none but his Omnipotence could draw me out of, to have, for the future, a strict Guard upon all my Thoughts, Words, and Actions, and to shew my Gratitude, by the Purity and Uprightness of my future Life.

The Want of an Observation for so many Days, and the Loss of our Captain, the only Artist on board, with the Want of a Compass, was the Reason of our being altogether ignorant of the Coast 28 on which our Vessel perish'd. The Piece of the Wreck which I was upon, was, after being toss'd some Hours, thrown ashore, and I got so far on Land, that the returning Surf did not reach me. What became of the rest of the Crew, I know not, but concluded they all perish'd, till some Years after, I met in England one of the Englishmen who would not take on with the Pyrates, and who told me, that, by a peculiar Providence, he and the other Seven, were, after four Days floating on broken Pieces of the Ship, taken up by some Indian Canoes; that they were two Years among the Indians, who treated them very humanly; and when they were one Day a-fishing with them about three Leagues from the Shore, they spied a Sail at a great Distance, and signifying their Desire to return to Europe, the Indians very courteously gave them a Canoe and Eight Paddles, with which they reach'd the Ship, it being becalm'd, and found her French. They were received on board in the Latitude of Degrees North, and when they arrived at Rochelle, were kindly used, and sent to England.

As we naturally are fond of Life, I return'd Thanks to Providence for my Escape, and thought myself extreamly 29 happy, tho' thrown on an unknown Coast, and destitute of every thing necessary to sustain me: But I trusted in that Goodness which had preserved, and which I hoped would provide for me. To despond, I thought, would be mistrusting the Bounty of our Creator, and might be the ready way to plunge me into the Miseries Men naturally apprehend in my Circumstances. I therefore heartily recommended me to the Divine Protection, and enter'd the Woods which lay along the Coast.

The Storm, which seem'd rais'd for the Destruction of those Enemies of Mankind, and Shame of human Nature, ceas'd in few Hours after the Vessel perish'd. I found in the Woods all sorts of Indian Fruits, as, Guavers, Cushoes, Sowresops, Oranges, &c. with which I appeased my Hunger. I was desirous, yet fearful of discovering, whether I was in a desolate or inhabited Country, and whether I was on the Continent, or some Island.

I wandered in the Woods till Sun-set, and then apprehending Danger from wild Beasts, I climb'd a tall Tree, where I sat, tho' I could not sleep, till Morning. By the time it had been dark about an Hour, I was cruelly terrified by hearing 30 human Voices in the Air; for tho' I did not understand, I plainly heard these Words: Sup gravimiaco caputasco deumorian; with others which I could not retain.

Let any Man suppose himself in my Circumstances, and he will much easier form an Idea, than I describe the Agony I was in on this surprizing Accident. The Sun was two Hours high before I durst descend; but seeing nothing to apprehend, I came down, prosecuted my Journey, as I had begun, Eastward. In three Hours, or thereabout, I came to the Extremity of the Wood, which was bounded by a large Meadow, enamell'd with the most beautiful-coloured Flowers, and hedg'd on the three other Sides with Limes, and with large Orange-Trees, placed at equal Distances in the Fence. This, with the Prospect I had of Corn Fields, made me conclude the Country inhabited by a civiliz'd People.

I cross'd the Meadow, highly delighted with the agreeable Prospect which lay before me. To avoid trampling on, and doing Damage to the Corn, I turn'd a little to the Northward, in hopes of falling in with some Village, or meeting with some or other of the Inhabitants. I found here very rich Pastures, and large 31 Flocks of Sheep, intermix'd with Deer; the Sheep were, as in Jamaica, cover'd with short Hair, like that of a Greyhound; and the Deer, which I wonder'd at instead of flying from, came up to me, and gazed, as if I was a Creature which they were not accustomed to the Sight of. The Sheep following their Example, I was so hemm'd in, that, had I not made my way with a Stick I broke out of a Hedge, I don't know how I should have got clear of them.

What astonished me, was to see such a Number of Corn-fields and Pasture-grounds, in a flourishing Condition, and well fenced, and yet not meet with the least Track or Path. However, I walk'd on till about Three o' Clock, as I guess'd by the Sun, which, tho' it was excessive hot, was no way uneasy to me, being flickered by the Hedges. Being come to the Banks of a large River, bordered with Cedars, the tallest I ever saw, and being under no Apprehension of wild Beasts in a Country so well cultivated, I laid me down under one of the largest, and slept till the Sun was near setting; and doubtless, not having closed my Eyes the Night before, I should have continued my Nap, had I not been wakened with the Sound of human Voices.

32 I started up, and look'd round me, but could perceive nothing like a Man. I then holloo'd, and heard somebody say, Quaw shoomaw: I answered, Quaw shoomaw; upon which I heard Two speak, and answer each other, as I thought, over my Head. I look'd up, but could, by reason of the Thickness and Height of the Tree, see nothing. I went some Paces from it, and looking up again, I heard a Voice, which utered these Words hastily, Quaw shoomaw? starts; which is, having afterwards learned the Language, Who art thou? stand.

Hardly had these Words reached my Ears, when I saw a Cock and Hen fly down from the Tree, and light near me; they were about Six Foot tall, and their Bodies somewhat larger than a good Weather. The Cock who was the larger the Two, coming pretty near me, tho' he discover'd in his Eyes both Fear and Astonishment, repeated the Words, Quaw shoomaw. The Hen, who kept a greater Distance, cried out, Ednu sinvi, which I since learn'd, is, Whence come you?

I was as much surprized to hear Fowls speak, as they were to see such a Monster as I appeared to be. I answer'd in her own Words, Ednu sinvi, upon which 33 D she ask'd me, I suppose, a String of Questions, with a Loquacity common to the sex and then fell a cackling. Three or four Chickens came running to her, and at the Sight of me hid their Heads under their Mother's Wing, as I suppos'd her. One of them, who was a Cock not above Five Foot high, at last took Courage to peep out, and said something to his Father; and, as I guess taking Courage from what Answer he return'd, ventured to approach me. He walk'd round me tho' he kept some Distance, and spoke in a threatning Tone. I answer'd in a melancholy one, and in my own Language, That I was an unfortunate shipwreck'd Man. The Youngster, I suppose, thinking me a harmless Animal, ventured to strike at me, and if I had not avoided the Stroke, I believe he had split my Skull, for his Spurrs were about Eighteen Inches long, near Five about, and as sharp as Needles.

I saw his Father angry at this Proceeding, and he gave him a terrible Cuff with his Wing, and sent him home. Then speaking to me, he made Signs I should follow him; I understood, and obey'd him. After we had pass'd a small Copse of about a Quarter of a Mile, we came into a fine Meadow, where we saw 34 several Hens milking Goats; they sat on their Rumps, and were as dextrous with their two Feet, as any of our Dairy-Maids with their Hands. They carried two Pails a-piece with a Yoke, like our Tub-women; and indeed there are not in Europe any who exceed this Nation in Mechanicks, as far as they are useful to them. I have seen a Cacklogallinian (for so they call themselves) hover with a Pair of Sheers in his two Feet, and cut Trees with all the Regularity imaginable; for, in a Walk of a League long, which is very common before the Houses of the Nobility, you won't see (not to say a Bough, but even) a Leaf grow beyond the rest. They are the best Weavers in the Universe, and make Cloath of stript Feathers, which they have the Art of spinning, and which is the Staple Commodity of the Kingdom; for no Feathers are comparable to these for this Manufacture. When I pass'd the Meadow, every one quitted her Employment to come and stare at me; they all spoke together so loud, and with such Volubility, that I almost fancied my self among a Score of Gammers at a Country Christening.

This Meadow led to a Farm House which belonged to my Guide, or more 35 D2 properly, Master; for I soon was made sensible, that they look'd upon me as an irrational Beast, of a Species hitherto unknown to them. We were no sooner within Doors, than the Family flock'd round to admire me, asking Abundance of Questions which I did not understand. One of the Hens brought me a Bowl of Goats Milk, which I received very thankfully, and drank off. They then offer'd me Corn, which I rejecting, one of them went out, and fetch'd me a Piece of boil'd Mutton; for these Cacklogallinians, contrary to the Nature of European Cocks, live mostly on Flesh, except the poorer Sort, who feed on Grain. They do not go to Roost, but lye on Feather-beds and Matrass, with warm Coverings; for, at the setting of the Sun, there falls so great a Dew, that I was, in the Night, as sensible of Cold, as ever I was in Europe in the Winter.

After I had eat my Piece of Meat, a Bed was made for me in my Master's Chamber, whither he conducted me. He made Signs, that I should lye down, and was not a little astonish'd, I perceived, to see me open the Bedding, go into it, and cover my self up. The pulling off my Cloaths he did not wonder at, for the Rich and Great among 'em wear 36 Mantles, and cover their Legs with fine Cloath.

I slept very heartily, and very much at my Ease. My Master, who was a rich Farmer, went the next Day to Ludbitallya, the Metropolis of the Kingdom, about Forty Miles from his Home, to acquaint his Landlord, who was a Minister of State, what a Rarity he had in Possession. He set out about Six in the Morning, and returned at Noon; for the Cacklogallinians will fly at the Rate of Twenty Miles an Hour. His Landlord came in less than that Space after in great State. He was preceded by Half a Dozen Servants, who carried large Battens in their right Feet, and made no Ceremony of knocking any on the Head who came in their Way. He was in a sort of Palanquin, covered with fine Cloth, and powdered with silver Stars in Circles, supported by four Cacklogallinians adorn'd with silver Chains. As to his Person, he was about Nine Foot high when he stood upright, and very corpulent; for, what is wonderful among these People (if I may be allow'd that Term) they grow in Bulk, and their Appetites increase in Proportion to their Riches and Honour, of which I was an Eye-witness in the Persons of my Master 37 D3 and his Male Children, for the Females are not perceivably affected with a Change of Fortune. This holds good in its Opposite, for Adversity will bring down the tallest to the Size or a Dwarf, that is, to Three Foot.

But to return to this Minister, whose Name was Brusquallio. He was cover'd with a rich loose Garment embroider'd, and wore on his Neck a yellow, green and red Ribbon, from which hung a Gold Medal of a Cock trampling on a Lion, which is the Badge of the greatest Honour the Emperor of Cacklogallinia can bestow on a Subject. He had a great Number of Followers, who paid him a sort of Adoration. When he alighted, my Master met him on the Out-side of the Door, threw himself on his Belly, and held his Beak to the Ground, till the other order'd him to rise; for I have since learnt both their Customs and Language. When he came in, I was brought to him.

My Master, as I have since learnt, told his Lordship, that he fancied I had some Glimmerings of Reason, notwithstanding the hideous Make of my Person, and gave for an Instance, my getting into my Bed as decently as a Cacklogallinian; and that of my Species certainly had a Language 38 among 'em, for he had heard me very distinctly utter some unintelligible Words, and even repeat some after him.

I threw my self on my Knees, and in the most humble Posture address'd my self to his Lordship, telling him in English, that I was a harmless unfortunate Man, who was cast upon their Coast, was an Object of Compassion, and below their Anger; that as I never did, nor meant Harm to any, I hoped to experience his Lordship's Mercy.

He seem'd highly delighted to hear me speak, and viewed me with a visible Surprize. My Master coming to me, said, Ednu sinvi? which I repeated after him (as I perceiv'd he was desirous I should) to the great Satisfaction of the Minister, who, as I have since known, desired to purchase, have me taught the Cacklogallinian and Court Language (for the Court did not speak that of the Country, for a Reason hereafter to be mention'd) and present me to his Imperial Majesty, as the greatest Rarity in Nature. When he bid my Master set a Price, he answer'd, That his Lordship's doing him the Honour to accept such a Trifle from his Slave, he esteem'd beyond any Sum of Money, notwithstanding his Poverty. Well, says 39 D4 the Grandee, bring him to me to-morrow, I accept the Present, and you shall have no Reason to repent your trusting to me.

The Minister got into his Palanquin, and his four Bearers flew off with him with that incredible Swiftness, his Attendance had much ado to keep up with it.

The next Morning, my Master taking me by the Sleeve with his Beak, led me out of Doors, and then walk'd forward. I stood still, and he returned, pull'd me by the Coat, and walk'd on again; by which I guess'd he would have me follow him, as I accordingly did, accompanied by one of his Servants, who kept by my Side. He went too fast, for me to keep him Company; which he perceiving, spoke to the Servant, and they took Wing together, and each of them laying hold on an Arm, lifted me about Thirty Foot from the Ground, and in Four Hours, alighted about a Quarter of a Mile distant from a very large Town.

I had forgot to acquaint the Reader, that before I began this airy Journey, my Master took a Mantle, which his Servant carried under his Wing, and cover'd me, that I had only an Open to see and respire: This was to prevent the Impertinence he might expect from the Mob 40 at the Sight of such a Novelty as I was.

When we alighted, he made Signs to me to lye down, sent his Servant to the Town, and cover'd me all over. The Servant soon returned with a close Palanquin, which they made me Signs to go into, and I was in an Instant hurried thro' the Air, and set down in a Stable Yard, and conducted from thence into a little House, to which this Yard afforded the only Passage. Both the Avenue, and the Smallness of the House no way answerable to the Charge and Titles of the Minister to whom it belong'd, were Matter of Surprize to me; tho' I since learnt it was in him Policy, that he made no greater Figure in Town than a private Gentleman, not to encrease the Number of those who envied him; for tho' he was now Nine Foot high, yet in a late Reign he was dwindled from the Height peculiar to the Rank of his Family, of Six Foot Nine Inches, to Three Foot Ten. In the Country, I was told his Seat far exceeded any of the Royal Palaces, tho' as yet not finish'd, and both his Furniture and Equipage were answerable; and he never travelled without a great Number of Servants, who join'd him a Mile or two without the Gates.

41 This great Person shewed me to his family, every one of which admired me as a most monstrous Production of Nature. My Master was rewarded, by being made Nosocomionarcha, or Paymaster to the Invalids, had the Title of Quityardo, which answers to our Squire, conferred on him, and was ever after a Favourite of the Minister. He sprung up immediately Nine Inches higher, grew considerably more bulky, and would eat you Three or Four Cacklogallinian Chicks in a Day; for the Ministers, and those in Post, feed on their own Species, and not one of the poorer Sort is in any Security of their Lives, in case a hungry Grandee sets his Eyes on, and has a Mind to him. Nay, the slavish Spirit of the Cacklogallinians is such, that many of them, thro' Folly or Superstition, will come in Bodies to the House of a Minister, and beg as the greatest Favour and Honour, they and their Families may be served up to his Lordship's Table; and I have seen the Fools, who had thus offered themselves, and been accepted, if there was not immediate Occasion for them, strut in the Streets with a Chain of Silver about their Necks, which they look'd upon as the greatest Honour; and when call'd for by his Lordship's Cook, run 42 exulting, and offer their Throats to his Knife; tho' this Nation was, in Time past, the bravest, and the most tenacious of their Liberty, of any of the feather'd Race. But I have digress'd too far.

My new Master, or, more properly, Lord, order'd an Apartment and a Table for me, with a Tutor to teach me the Languages, by whose Diligence, and my own Avidity of Learning, I began in Four Months to understand a great Part of what was said to me; and my Lord was so very much pleased at my Progress, that he gave my Tutor a Post, which raised him about Four Inches. My Lord forbore asking me any Questions concerning my self, till I was perfectly Master or the Languages, which I was in about Eleven Months.

He one Day sent for me into his Chamber, and accosted me in the following Words: Probusomo (which is, Monster of Nature, the Name he gave me) I have suspended my Curiosity of enquiring whence, and how you came into this Kingdom, till we could perfectly understand each other, that I might not be troubled with an imperfect Relation: Now that you are Master of our Language, tell me of what Part of the World you are; whether you are of savage, or a civiliz'd Nation? if of the 43 latter, what is your Policy, what are your Manners and Customs, and what Accident brought you hither? I threw my self on my Face, and kiss'd his right golden Spur (for the Grandees saw off those which Nature has provided them, and substitute these in their Places) then rising, I answer'd, That I was of Europe, a Country so distant from Cacklogallinia, that I was near Six Moons at Sea, before I was cast on its Coast. Why, said he, is it possible you can swim so long? for you being destitute of Wings, can have no other Method of passing so vast a Water. I told him we pass'd the Seas in Ships, and gave him a Description of them, but could not make him have the least Idea of what I meant, till the next Day, that I hollow'd, shap'd, and rigg'd a Piece of Cork, made Sails of fine Linnen, and brought it to his Excellency in a Bason of Water. I told him, we were a civiliz'd Nation, and govern'd by a King, who however did nothing without the Advice of his Great Council, which consisted of Grandees born to that Honour, and Quityardo's elected by the People to represent them. That, to these Representatives the People had delegated the Power of acting for them, and entrusted their Liberty and Estates to their Probity; consequently 44 nothing could be supposed to be done by the Prince, but by the universal Consent of the Nation, and the People could bear no Burthens, but what they voluntarily took upon themselves for the common Good.

I have never, answer'd he, read, that any of your Species was seen in this Kingdom before you; but it is certain you must have copy'd your Policy from us. But, said he, are all these Representatives publick-spirited, zealous for the common Welfare, Proof against Preferments, Titles, and private Advantages? Have they always the Good of the Nation at Heart so far, as to prefer it to that of their Families? Do they sollicite the People to chuse them, or are they their free Choice? If the latter, what Amends do the People make to these Representatives, who neglect their private Affairs, to apply themselves to those of the Publick?

I told his Excellency, that I did not doubt their being such Men as he spoke them; that I was very young when I left my Country, and beside I was not born in a Rank which, had I been of riper Years, permitted me to meddle with State Affairs: However, I had heard from my Elders, that none were elected, till the King sent his Mandates to the 45 several Provinces, ordering them to chuse the wisest among them to assist his Majesty with their Advice: And as the Interest of each Province in particular, and of the whole Nation in general, turn'd upon the Probity and Judgment of the Representatives, to whom an unlimited Power was delegated, it did not stand to Reason, that they would make Choice of any, whose Love for his Country, whose Sagacity and Honour they had not made Proof of; or at least, whose Life did not give them Hopes, that he would prove a real Patriot.

That they were the free Choice of the People, was plain, by the Backwardness shewn by those elected to undertake so weighty a Charge, which had no other Recompence than the Applause of the Publick, for the faithful Execution of their Trust. Another Reason which induced me to believe the Choice such, was, that the English, (of which Nation I own'd my self) were any one rich enough to bribe the Majority of a Province, and are too wise a People to entrust their Liberty to such a Person; for it's natural to believe, whoever would buy their Votes, would sell his own: But, that the Majority of a Province was to be brib'd, or that a free People would, on any account, 46 risque their Liberty, by giving their Representatives a Power to enslave 'em, either by making the Prince absolute, and furnishing him with Standing Armies, to maintain a despotick Power or else by selling them to Foreigners, could never enter into the Thoughts of a reasonable Creature.

Has, said he, (who smiled all the while I held this Discourse) your Nation any near Neighbours? I answer'd, That, by the means of our Shipping, we might be said near Neighbours to every Nation; but that our Island was separated but Seven Leagues from the Continent, inhabited by a warlike and powerful People. Have you any Commerce with the Nations on the Continent? We are, said I, the greatest Dealers in Europe. Have you any Religion among you? We have, in the main, I replied, but one, tho' it is branch'd out into a great many Sects, differing only in some trifling Ceremonies, in Essentials we all agree. Religion, answer'd my Lord, is absolutely necessary in a well-govern'd State; but do your great Men make any Profession of Religion? or, to ask a more proper Question, do they do more than profess it? My Lord, said I, our great Men are the brightest Examples of Piety. Their Veracity is such, 47 that they would not for an Empire falsify their Word once given. Their Justice won't suffer a Creditor to go from their Gate unsatisfied: Their Chastity makes them look on Adultery and Furnication the most abominable Crimes; and even the naming of them will make their Bloods run cold. They exhaust their Revenues in Acts of Charity, and every great Man among us is a Husband and Father to the Widow and Orphan. They esteem themselves Stewards to the Poor, and that in a future State they are accountable for every Doit lavish'd in Equipage or superfluous Dishes. Their Tables are not nicely, but plentifully served, and always open to the honest Needy. At Court, as I have learn'd, there is neither Envy nor Detraction, no one undermines another, nor intercepts the Prince's Bounty or Favour by slandrous Reports; and neither Interest, Riches, nor Quality, but Merit only recommends the Candidate to a Post: A Bribe was never heard of there; which, together with the exact Justice practised, is the Reason that a Minister, after Twelve or Fourteen Years, shall die not a Doit richer than he was at the Entrance upon his Office: Nay, I've been told, that a Paymaster General of the Army, after 48 he had past his Accounts before the Grand Council of the Nation, with a general Applause, found his Patrimony so impoverish'd by his Charity to Soldiers Widows, he was oblig'd to turn Merchant for his Support; but being unfortunate, he petition'd for a small Government. As you say you have divers Sects of Religion, you must have Priests among you, pray what sort of Men are they? I answer'd, their Lives and Doctrine were of a-piece, their Example differing nothing from their Precepts: That Hypocrisy, Avarice, Ambition, litigious Suits, Lying, Revenge, and Obscenity, were Vices known to 'em by Name only: That they were a mortify'd Set of Men, who look'd upon nothing transitory worth their Concern; and having their Thoughts always employ'd on Meditations of a future Happiness, neglected every thing on Earth but their Duty; and for this Reason, they often became a Prey to Knaves, who slipp'd no Opportunity of spoiling them, knowing their Lenity such, that, if detected, they should not be prosecuted. I have been assured, that a Priest being told, such a Farmer had stole away a great many Tithe Sheafs, the good Divine answer'd, If he's poor, it's no Theft; what I have belongs to the Needy, and he 49 E takes but his own. The Day after he sent him all the Corn he was Master of, and by this Act of Charity, wou'd have starved before next Harvest, if a Minister of State, in love with his Virtue, had not provided for him. And I myself knew one, who hearing black Puddings were a Preservative against pestilential Infections, and that the Plague was within Two Thousand Leagues of our Island, laid out his whole Patrimony in Puddings, and sent 'em to every Sea-port in the Kingdom.

Have you Physicians among you? We have, said I, Men of extensive Charity, great Humility, profound Learning, without the least Tincture of Vanity. They are so very conscientious, that shou'd they prescribe for a Patient, and he recover before he had taken all the Druggs brought in, they will pay for those which remain, out of their own Pockets. They never take a fee, but when they prescribe, tho' they visit you frequently, and never prescribe, without they see an absolute Necessity. They are so modest, that they attribute the Recovery of a Person to divine Providence, and are ready to accuse themselves of Ignorance or Negligence should he die under their Hands.

48 Have you any Lawyers in your part of the World? Lawyers, said I, we have, but not more than necessary.

You have then, said my Lord, very few, or are a litigious People. What sort of Creatures are they? They are, said I, brought up many Years in the Study of the Laws, and pass a strict Examination, not only as to their Knowledge, but their Morals, before they are admitted to the Bar; which is the Reason, that we have no Tricks, no Delays, to weary and ruine the poor Client who has a Right, but no Money; they come directly to the Merits of the Cause, and never endeavour by their Rhetorick to put a fair Face on a bad one; and not one, if his Client does not deceive him, will appear on the Side of Oppression or Injustice; and if he is himself impos'd upon, when he perceives it, he will not defend the Wrong. This Care of examining into the Probity of the Students, and Candidates for the Bar, is the Reason our Lawyers are very near in as great Reputation as our Priests.

Do you know from what you have said, Probusomo, that I conclude your Statesmen Fools, and that you will soon fall a Prey to some other Nation; or you either very ignorant of your National Affairs, or 51 E2 a very great Lyar; or otherwise think me easily impos'd upon. I have been many Years at the Head of the Cacklogallinian Affairs, under our August Master, Hippomina Connuferento, Darling of the Sun, Delight of the Moon, Terror of the Universe, Gate of Happiness, Source of Honour, Disposer of Kingdoms, and High Priest of the Cacklogallinian Church. I have, I say, long, in Obedience to this Most Potent Prince, acted as Prime Minister, and to tell me, that such a one will baulk his Master's, or his own Interest, on the Score of Religion; nay, in his publick Capacity, that he believes one Word of it, or has Ears for Justice or Compassion, wou'd be the same thing as telling me, a Flatterer, in his Encomiums has a strict Eye to Truth, or that a Poet who writes in Praise of great Men, believes them really possess'd of the Virtues he attributes to 'em, and has no other View in his Epistle than that of edifying others, by shewing the bright Example of his Patrons. My Business now calls me to Court; the Emperor, as yet, has never heard of you: For whoever dares acquaint him with any thing, without my Permission, passes his Time very ill. To Morrow, I'll present you to His Majesty.

He left the Room, and I retired to my Apartment, where none cou'd come 52 at me, but who pass'd thro' my Lord's, which was Death to do, or even to fly within Twenty Yards of his House, without Permission. Nay, the proudest among them, and those of the highest Rank alight at his Outer-gate, and walk into the House.

When he had spoke these Words, a Servant came in to give him Notice, that the Coach was ready. He ordered me to put on my Mantle, and attend him: I did so, and he was pleased to do me the Honour to carry me with him in his Coach. In the Way, he discoursed me upon several Subjects. Among other things, it came into his Head to enquire 64 of me, whether, in the Parts of the World from whence I came, there were any such things as Poets. I gave him to understand, that we had several who had been famous in my own Country. He desired to know what kind of Persons they were: I answered him, they were the faithful Registers of the glorious Actions of great Men, whose Praises they sung, in order to stir up others, by their Examples, to the Practice of Vertue, and Love of their Country; and that as it required a great Genius, and fine Understanding, to be a good Poet, they were, for that Reason, highly caressed by the Great, and their Works so well paid for, that it was as rare to see a Poet poor, as a Minister of State grow rich by his Employment. This I said, as well out of Regard to Truth, as for the Honour of my Country. He appeared pretty much surpriz'd at this Account of our Poets, and told me theirs were of a different Character, and met with a different Fate; for they were but little regarded by any great Birds, except the Vain and the Silly, who wanted a little Flattery, for which they paid some small Gratuity, while they wou'd not accept of them as Companions; for it was not fashionable for those of 65 F Figure to converse with any thing inferior to them in Wealth or Quality, which was reputed to have Sense: On the contrary, when they receiv'd such for Companions, it was upon the Account of their being either Buffoons or Pandars; and this he was pleased to say was the Fashion.

He also confess'd to me, that he himself never had any great Regard for that Sort of Persons, which he own'd he sometimes had Reason to repent; for he found that by their Verses and Discourses, they influenced the Publick very much, by whom they were look'd upon with more Esteem, than by the Courtiers; and that his Enemies had made a proper Advantage of his Contempt of them; for they had taken the most ingenious amongst them into their Party, and exasperated them against him; so that their Compositions had kept up a Spirit against him, and he had the Mortification of seeing the People always receive with Pleasure any thing that exposed and satyriz'd his Conduct. That indeed in his own Defence, he had imploy'd some others to chant his Praise; but they were such wretched Poetasters, and did it so awkardly, that their Performances prov'd more bitter Invectives 66 than the Satyrs of the others; for whenever there happen'd the least Flaw in his Administration, he was sure to receive congratulatory Verses immediately upon it; and that was the Time they chose to proclaim the Happiness the Subject enjoy'd by his wise Management: And they carried this Matter to such a ridiculous Height, that there was not a Vice or a Folly, that either he or any of his Family were remarkable for, but they were prais'd for the contrary Vertues and Accomplishments.

By this Time we arriv'd at the Gates of the Palace; for the Coach being drawn by Six Ostriches, we were but a little Time upon the Way; and mounting the great Stair-case, without being any way molested by the People's Curiosity (for the Moment my Lord appear'd every Fowl of what Quality soever, clapp'd his Beak to the Ground, and did not alter that Posture till he was past) he bid me stay in the Anti-chamber till sent for, and went himself into the Presence. He had not been there five Minutes, before I heard that Door open, and a Jay with a strait-body'd Coat, which button'd on his Breast, and thro' which his Wings and Legs pass'd, came hopping into the Room where I was, surrounded by 67 F2 the Courtiers, who view'd me with Surprize, but were so well bred as to whisper their Sentiments of me. This impertinent Jay peck'd 'em by the Legs, or pull'd 'em by the Crown-feathers, without Distinction: Nay, I saw some Cacklogallinians of the great Order, whose Heads he could not reach, stoop to him, and beg he would do them the Honour to pull their Crowns. Every one shew'd him Respect, and made way for him to come up to me; he view'd me some time, and then peck'd me by the Finger; for he did not reach higher than my Hand, when it hung down. I returned the Compliment with a Wherret of my Fist, which knock'd him over, and had cost me my Life, durst any have struck in the Palace. There was a terrible Uproar, and I was apprehensive, that I should pay dear for my Resentment; but the Emperor to whom my Lord was then giving an Account of me, being inform'd, that the Impertinence of the Jay had caus'd the Disturbance, he order'd him to be carried to the Guard, that he should be lock'd up for three Days, and take two Purges and a Vomit (for Criminals not guilty of Capital Crimes, are punish'd by a Number of Vomits or Purges, which are 68 more or less, according to the Vileness of the Fact) I was called into the Presence-chamber, where I made my Compliment as instructed, and then address'd my self to the Ladies, giving the Precedence always to the bulkiest, according to my Instructions. The first Squabbaw whom I address'd my self to, was about Seven Foot round; her Crop hung within Six Inches of the Floor, which I have since learn'd is a particular Beauty; the Effluvia of her Body were extreamly strong, and oblig'd his Imperial Majesty, when she spread her Tail to me, to smell to an Aromatick Leaf.

This Prince, tho' of a very advanced Age, has been represented, both by the Reports of his Ministers, and others, as a Person of great Incontinency, in which I think he was injured; for tho' he pass'd most of his private Hours only in the Company of the Vultuaquilian Squabbaws (so call'd from the Province where they were born) he did it, partly because of his long Accquaintance with them, and partly to hinder the too frequent Visits of the first Minister, who scarce ever came into his Presence, but to importune him, for new Grants and Promotions for Himself and Family; and as to the Cacklogallinian Squabbaws, he sometimes 69 F3 admitted them to please their Husbands and Relations, who flatter themselves with an imaginary Honour, to have their Wives and Daughters near him. I have good Grounds for what I advance; for I was Five Years in his Court, and frequently convers'd with his Squabbaws. This won't I hope, be thought a piece of Vanity in me, when the Reader reflects, that I was look'd upon as a Monkey is with our Ladies.

The Emperor was highly delighted with the Present his Minister made him, and order'd all possible Care to be taken of me. My Lord told him I might be as useful to his Majesty as my Make was curious, for he found me very intelligent, learning the Languages with great Facility, and that it was possible I might be serviceable in extending his Dominions, by bringing that Part of the World, which my Species inhabited, in Subjection to his Imperial Majesty.

Have they, said the Emperor, any Gold among them? I took the Liberty of assuring his Majesty, that we were the richest Nation in the Universe; that by our Trade, which never was so flourishing as at this Time, we brought in immense Quantities of that valuable Metal, and that we suffer'd none to be 70 exported. It may then, replied his Majesty, be worth our while, one Day to think of this.

The Emperor order'd me to be conducted to an Apartment, and Leave was given to all the Vultuaquilian first, and Cacklogallinian Quality, to see me the next Day. I had every thing I could wish provided for me, and a Month after I had been at Court, I had the Liberty of the Palace, and the Emperor would often call me into his Closet (as he found I was not ignorant in Arithmetick) to help him weigh and count his Wedges of Gold, and set down the Number, Weight and Value of each Piece; for this was a Diversion in which he amused himself.

This Prince was not very curious, for in the five Years I was in his Court, he scarce ever asked me one Question concerning the Europeans; nor was he in one Respect the Bubble of his Favourites, for I never saw him give one Piece of Gold to any of them, even the Squabbaws.

The Grandees, who perceived me grow in Favour so far, as that the Jay was turn'd out of Court for his Sawciness to me, which he redoubled after his having been confined, strove who shou'd shew me the most Respect, and 71 F4 make me the greatest Professions of friendship. They not only offer'd me their Purses, but even their Wives and Daughters, whom they often left with me and whose Immodesty has often put me to the Blush. Nay, a Boutofallalian, a Title answering to our Duke, told me, if I continued this Shyness, and would not do him the Honour to pass now and then an Hour with his Lady, he shou'd not take me for his Friend; and leaving her with me, he lock'd the Door.

Her Grace was as generous as her Spouse; and when I urg'd the Difference of our Species, she said, she was satisfied that wou'd be no Impediment, by what she had seen, for I had indeed no other Covering than a Mantle, and both his Majesty and his Squabbaws took a Pleasure to teaze me, by pulling it off, and leaving me naked in a full Circle. In short, I was forc'd to save my self by the Window being on a Ground Floor, after all my Excuses were to no Purpose: But fearing the Lady's Resentment, I begg'd the Minister, exaggerating her Husband's Merits, to give him a Pension, and I my self carried and delivered the Grant to her Grace, which made my Peace with both.

72 One Day, an old Colonel, who was very poor, accosted me in the Emperor's Garden. My Lord, said he, I beg you will vouchsafe me an Audience of Quarter of an Hour; I shall look upon it as the greatest Condescension in you, and as the greatest Honour done me. I told him he mistook my Title, and gave me one I never did aspire to; but that I was very ready to hear and serve him, for I had seen him often at Court offering Petitions, which were always rejected, and I had a Compassion for him.

[Transcriber's Note:
In the original text, the remainder of the chapter is a single long paragraph.]

He put several into my Hands; one mentioned his being the first who broke Ranks, and put the right Wing of the Enemy in Disorder, which was followed by a signal Victory over the Magpyes and Owls: Then another mentioned his taking the Royal Banner, in the Battle of Bellfugaro: A third certify'd his surprizing a great Convoy of Provisions, carrying to the Enemy's Camp, 74 the Loss of which, made them break up the Siege of Barbaquero. In short, he had about Twenty, signed by the General and chief Officers, which spoke him a Fool of singular Gallantry. When I had return'd them, I ask'd, in what he thought I could serve him?

I answer'd, it was very true; but that such Fowls were otherwise serviceable in the Government, had handsome Wives or Daughters, or could procure such of their Acquaintance, or perhaps were elected into the Grand Council of the Nation, and had a Vote to dispose of. But, 75 Sir, I will deal with you ingenuously, I can do you no Service at all in this Affair; for the Minister has so many Bable-Cypherians (in English, Members of the Great Council) to oblige, and they have so many Valet de Chambres, Butlers, and Footmen to provide for in the Hospital, that it's more likely the Officers and Soldiers now there will be turn'd out to make Place for them, than any other will be admitted. If you have Interest to get a Number of these Bable-Cypherians to back your Petition, which you may get, if you can bribe and cajole the Attendants of their Squabbaws, or their own Valets, it's possible you may succeed in your Pretensions.

"I'll sooner, said he, starve, than be guilty of so great a Condescension, or more properly, so mean an Action." This he said with some Warmth, and I replied as coolly, it was in his own Option. "I find then, said the Colonel, you won't serve me." I have, said I, given you Reasons which prove this Way I cannot: But if giving your Petition and Certificates to the Emperor will be of use, I'll venture to do it for you. "The Emperor, replied he, is a good Prince, but has little Interest with the Minister; and to hope any thing, but thro' his Canal, is altogether vain." Saying this, he took 76 his Leave in a very courteous manner. The Minister was inform'd, that I had entertain'd a long Discourse with this Officer, and ask'd me the Subject of it. I told him what he desired, but that I declined troubling his Excellency with such Trifles.

The Character of the Cacklogallinians in general.

THE Cacklogallinians were, in former Ages, a Wise and a Warlike Nation, both fear'd and esteem'd by their Neighbours. Their Blood was pure, without being mix'd with that of the Owls, Magpies, Eagles, Vulturs, Jays, Partridges, Herns, Hawks, or any other Species; the Scum of which Nation, by the Fertility of the Country, and the want of Foresight in the Cacklogallinians, 78 has been allured to, and permitted to settle in Cacklogallinia, and by their Intermarriages has caused the great Degeneracy those Families, which have kept their Blood untainted, complain of.

The History of their Neighbours are standing Witnesses of the Worth of their Ancestors, and shew the vast Difference between the ancient and modern Cacklogallinians. The former, tho' tenacious of their Liberty, were remarkable for their Loyalty; and each thought it his peculiar Interest zealously to promote that of the Publick. But not to be prolix in the Character of the old Cacklogallinians, I shall give it in few Words. They were what the English now are, Wise, Modest, Brave, Human, Loyal, Publick-spirited, capable of governing their own, and conquering other Kingdoms; Hospitable to Strangers: They encourag'd Merit, and abominated Flattery. A Pimp in those Days wou'd have starv'd, and even the Concubine of a Prince not been admitted among Hens of Virtue, tho' to make the Fortune of a Husband. There was no Upstarts among the Nobility, and if any were rais'd to Titles, it was by Force of a conspicuous Merit, which gave a Lustre to the August Assembly in which he was enroll'd. 79 Justice was impartially administer'd, and the selling of the People to a Prince or Minister, was a Villainy unknown. None bribed the People to chuse 'em for their Representatives; Posts in the Government were given to Fowls capable to serve it, without being burthened with this or that Family, nor were their Revenues loaded with Pensions to worthless and vicious Persons, and given for Services which would be a Disgrace to publish. Trade flourish'd, Money was plenty, none of their Neighbours durst encroach on their Commerce; their Taxes were inconsiderable: In a Word, as I before said, they were what our happy Nation now is, admired for the Prudence of their Administration at home, and the Terror of their Arms abroad. They are now directly the Reverse of what they were, and even in my Time, they were sinking in the Opinion of their Neighbours, who began to consider them as a declining Nation, which Alteration, I must own (for I love to speak the Truth) was not a little owing to the Administration of my Friend, the first Minister, who in taking upon him to manage the Interests of Nations, went out of his Depth, for Affairs of that Nature seemed to be above his Capacity. His 80 Education, his Study, his Practice, were rather mercantile, than otherwise, and all that Knowledge which his Partizans boast so much in him, was confined to the Business of the Taxes, a Road in which he was (as it were) grown old, and to Money-Projects, which was owing to a strict Correspondence he always kept with certain projecting and mercantile People, and being used to carry all Points at home by Gold, he knew no other way of doing Business abroad; so that when their Neighbours used to differ among themselves, about some Points of Interest, and one Side or other stood in Need of the Assistance of the Cacklogallinians, they sometimes push'd themselves into the Quarrel, and perhaps paid great Sums of Money for the Favour of sending Armies to the Succour of one Side or other, so that they became the Tools which other Nations work'd with. They are naturally prone to Rebellion, have let the Cormorants chouse them out of several valuable Branches of their Commerce; and yet the Cormorants are People with whom they have kept the most lasting Friendship of all their Neighbours. They love War, and rather than not fight, they will give Money to be let into the Quarrel (as has 81 G been hinted before) they know beforehand, however victorious they may prove, nothing but Blows will fall to their Share. If they are under a mild Government, and grow rich, they are always finding Fault with their Superiors, and ever ready to revolt: But if they are oppress'd and kept poor, like our Spaniels, they fawn on their Masters, and seem in Love with Tyranny; which should any dare to speak against, he is esteem'd an Enemy to the Happiness of his Country. They are very proud, yet very mean in some Particulars, and will, for their Interest, sacrifice the Honour of their Families. They look upon nothing infamous but Poverty, for which Reason, the most scandalous Methods of procuring Riches, such as Lying, Robbing the Publick, Cheating Orphans, Pimping, Perjury, & c. are not look'd upon with evil Eyes, provided they prove successful. This Maxim holds with 'em, both in publick and private Affairs. I knew One rais'd from a Fowl of Three Foot Six Inches, to be a Makeseulsibi, a Post which rais'd him to Eight Foot Six, and is one of the greatest in the Kingdom. He is to instruct the Grandees, when in Council, in Points of Law, and is Guardian to all Orphans. Complaint was made to the 82 Emperor, that he converted their Estates to his own Use, and left them all to starve; he was therefore, by the Emperor's Consent, and to satisfy the People, brought to a Tryal. He answer'd, That he did not deny the Charge; but that he wanted the Money to make a Figure equal to his Post: However, the Enquiry discover'd his vast Acqusitions, and prov'd him to be so rich, that he was look'd upon with Respect, and he lived and died in as much Grandeur, and Tranquillity, as if he had been a Patriot, and at his Funeral, his great Service to his Country was blazon'd out in Figures and Hieroglyphicks by the Heralds; which being a thing I seem'd amaz'd at, and enquiring of many, how it came to pass, that a Fowl should be treated with Honour, who had been esteem'd an Oppressor? the common Answer was, he died rich, and that was enough for all Honours.

The Religion of the Cacklogallinians.

THIS Nation pretends to believe a first Being, and to worship one God, tho' I confess, when I was first amongst them, I thought otherwise; for 83 G2 I Found the People of the best Rank amongst them always ridiculing Religion. They had formerly a Globe of pure Gold in their Temples, an Emblem of Eternity: It was inscribed with unintelligible Characters, by which they figured the Inscrurability of his Decrees. This some call'd superstitious, and were for having razed, and the Ball, which was, in their Opinion, too big, new melted, and cast into a different Form. Some were for a Square, to give an Emblem, of Justice; others would have it, an Octogon, by which they would shadow his Ubiquity. Another Party insisted upon its being cast again, but in no regular Form; for all Forms and Regularity they look'd upon superstitious. Their Disputes on this Subject ran so high, that they came to Blows, and each Party, as it was victorious, modelled the Globe to his own Humour or Caprice. But the Ball being so often melted, and Part of the Gold being lost in each Fusion, it was at last almost imperceivable. These Bickerings shed a great deal of Blood, and being at length tired with worrying each other upon this Account, a new Globe was cast, but not exactly round, to satisfy tender Consciences. In process of Time, it was thought that a 84 brazen Globe might do as well as one of Gold, and new Disputes beginning to arise, it was decreed, that this Globe should stand in the Temple, but that every one in particular should have at home an Idol after his own Fashion provided they wou'd only bow to this, and the Revenues were continued to the Priests to furnish Sacrifices. The Heads of the Priests at last thinking these Sacrifices altogether needless, and a very great Expence, dropp'd 'em by Degrees: However, some say this was done by some of the Grandees, as a Means to make the Priests less respected, and put the Money in their own Coffers, which has made them both rich and insolent. They were formerly a cunning Set, but they are not look'd upon as such now, for they take but little Care, either to cultivate the Interest, or support the Credit and Dignity of their Order; and as some of them are given to Luxury, which they have not taken due Care to conceal, the common Sort do not entertain the same Respect for them they did in former Times.

However, the poor Clergy (for they are not all rich, Affairs of Religion being modell'd after those of the State, the Great devouring the Small) lead moral 85 G3 Lives, and there is a Sect amongst them which keeps up the golden Ball, continues the Sacrifices, and detests Perjury; but these are obliged to perform their Ceremonies by Stealth, and are prosecuted as an obstinate ill-designing People.

The Grandees have no Statues in their Houses; they own indeed a Deity, some of them at least, but don't think the worshipping that Deity of any Consequence. The meaner People began to be as polite as the Courtiers, and to have as little Religion, before I left Cacklogallinia. This Irreligion I can attribute to nothing so much as the Contempt of the Clergy, whom some of the Nobility, especially of the Court, have endeavour'd to render hateful and ridiculous to the People, by representing them as a lazy, useless, Order of Birds, no better than the Drones. They also chufe out now and then, some to place at their Head, who had distinguish'd themselves for their Infidelity, and had declared themselves Enemies to the Religion of the Country, by which means the whole Order lost their Sway with the People; besides which, the richer Sort amongst them were generally reputed to be much addicted to Gluttony.

Of the Policy and Government of the Cacklogallinians.

THE Cacklogallinians boast mightily of their being the only Nation in the World which enjoys Liberty, and therefore, upon all Occasions, they talk of, and treat the rest of the World as Slaves. They pretend to maintain, that their Monarchy being elective, their Emperors are no more than their Servants, and that they can exercise no longer a Power, than they are pleas'd to give it them, which is just as much as will serve to put the Laws in Execution, and keep the great Machine of Government in good Order; and that whenever he attempts to transgress those Bounds, they make no Ceremony of turning him out, and setting up another in his Room. But, by what I could judge by my own proper Observation, this appeared to me, to be no more than an empty Boast (for indeed the Cacklogallinians are apt to run into an Extravagance of Vanity, whenever they speak of themselves) for in my Time my Friend and Patron the first Minister acted as absolutely, and 87 G4 dependently of all Creatures (except of the Squabbaws) as the most arbitrary Prince, who acknowledges no Law but his own Will and Pleasure.

It is, true there is a Council consisting of a great Number of Persons, in whose Name all great Affairs relating to the Civil Government are transacted, the Members of which Council are call'd Bable-Cypherians; but it is no Secret, that the first Minister causes whom he pleases to sit in this Council, as well as turns out any Person he dislikes; and while I was amongst them, there happen'd some Instances of what I maintain; and he contrived to have several whom he suspected of being Enemies to his Family, or to his Administration, to be disgraced from the said Council, and others appointed in their Places: Nay, I have often seen several worthless Birds paying their Court to the first Minister, and solliciting him to be admitted into the Great Council, in the same manner that they begg'd for an Employment; yet at the same time, if you were to talk to a Cacklogallinian, he wou'd pretend to persuade you, that no Fowl of any Rank or Quality whatsoever can ever sit in the said Council, but by the Majority of free Voices of Persons who 88 are his Equals. But as I oserv'd before, they are so possess'd with a Spirit of boasting, that when they talk of themselves, there is no Regard to be had to any thing they say.

What is most remarkable is, that Hens as well as Cocks frequently stand Candidates to be Members of the said Council, and especially those who are distinguish'd by the Name of Squabbaws; and tho' the important Affairs of managing their Amours takes up so much of their Time, that they have but little Leisure to attend such publick Affairs, yet they very much influence what passes there, especially the Court Squabbaws, whom I have frequently seen to receive Presents from Persons who had Matters to lay before the said Council. When this happened, it was their Custom to send for my Friend the first Minister, and instruct him how they would have the thing done; upon which Occasions they designedly absented themselves from the said Council, that by their not appearing to favour or oppose such things, the Bribery might not be suspected; and it generally pass'd as well without them, for my good Patron who carried it so loftily to the rest of the World, was nevertheless extreamly their Slave.

89 As to their Laws, which they pretend to be the best and wisest of any in the World, they are, in Effect, a Source of continual Plague and Vexation to the Subject, which is owing to many Causes, but principally to this, that when a new Law is agreed to pass, the great Council generally appoint such amongst them as are Lawyers by Profession, to word it, or (as we say) to draw it up, who always, in Order to promote the Business of their own Profession, contrive it in ambiguous Terms; so that there is a double Meaning runs thro' every Sentence. This furnishes eternal Matter of Dispute betwixt Party and Party, and at the same time gives the Caja (for so they call a Judge) a Power of putting what Construction he pleases upon the Law. I have my self been frequently present, when the Caja has been sitting to hear and determine Causes, and have observ'd, that when the Cacklogallinian Advocates have been setting forth the Merit of their Cause, and one of them has produced a Precedent, to shew, that such a Caja in former Times, put such a Construction upon such a Law, yet the Caja then presiding has determined the thing quite otherwise, giving for a Reason, That might be his Opinion, but this is ours.

90 Upon the whole, the Property of private Birds, which they would make you believe was much safer amongst them, than under any other Government in the World, appeared to me to stand upon a very precarious Foot, since it was always at the Mercy of the Law, and the most cunning and sagacious amongst them could never pretend to be sure what Law was: Nay, it was often found by Experience, that what was Law one Day amongst them, was not so another; so that I could not help thinking, that whenever Party and Party differr'd concerning Matters of Property, the least expensive, and most prudent Method would have been, to have referr'd the Decision of the Cause to some Game of Hazard.

This Ambiguity of the Law makes a corrupt Caja a terrible Plague to the Subject; and it is a Plague which they have often felt, as I found, by consulting their Annals; for frequently, under bad Ministers, Birds have been chosen out for Caja's, not for their Integrity or Knowledge, but for their Obsequiousness to the Commands of those who chose them; and my Patron, the first Minister, was censured for endeavouring to corrupt, and making them as bad as he 91 could. By which Means, and by retaining Spies in the Houses of all Fowl of great Interest and Figure in their Country, it was reported he awed them from attempting any Measures against his Interest, or that of his Family, and that he had threaten'd several with Confiscation and Banishment, when he found them attempting to introduce better Schemes than his own, because such Proceedings might tend to overthrow him.

But this I speak from common Report; for I cannot give any Instances of Corruption in any of the Caja's from my own personal Knowledge; for I conceived so dreadful a Notion of their Laws, that I endeavoured to avoid all Converse with any who belong'd to it.

How often have I reflected on the Happiness of my dear Country, in that Liberty there enjoy'd, where none are oppress'd by Force, or allured by Bribes, to give up their native Freedom; where a self-interested and designing Minister is sure to answer for his Administration to a Parliament freely chosen, consisting of Gentlemen of publick Spirits, Honour, known Probity and Wisdom; whose Fortunes put them above a servile Dependence; who have an Eye to nothing 92 but the publick Good, and exact from the Ministers a just Account of the Publick Treasure! When I have seen the Fowl of Honour thrust out to make Place for a Sycophant, Court paid to Pandars and lewd Hens, and no Posts disposed of, but thro' the Interest of Lust; how often, Britain, have I congratulated thy Happiness, where Virtue is rewarded, Vice discountenanc'd and punish'd; where the Man of Merit is provided for, and not oblig'd to pay a Levee to the kept Mistress of a Statesman; and where the Ignorant, Pusillanimous, and Vicious, however distinguish'd by Birth and Fortune, are held in Contempt, and never admitted to publick Employment!

When among the Cacklogallinians Taxes are laid, the Money is brought into the publick Treasury, of which the Minister keeps the Keys: He lets this Money out upon Pawns, at an exorbitant Interest. If an inferior Agent is to pass his Accounts, he must share the Pillage with the Minister, and some few Heads of the Grand Council. I knew one paid him Three Hundred Thousand Rackfantassines, equal to a Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling, which he computed was about one Third of his Acquisition; and Birds of most abandon'd Reputations are sometimes 93 put into Places of Profit, which, like Spunges, suck all they can, and are easily squeezed again.

As to their Trade, they have, of late Years, lost some of the most advantageous Parts of it to the Cormorants, which perhaps might be brought about by several that were Cormorants by Birth, who found Means of working themselves into the Management of their publick Affairs. They seem to endeavour all they can, (for what Policy I know not) to encourage the young Cacklogallinian Nobility and Gentry, in a Contempt of Religion, and in all Debauchery, perhaps to render them supine and thoughtless; and bringing them up without Principle, they may be fit Tools to work the enslaving their Country.

They are extremely severe in their military Discipline: A Soldier, for a trifling Fault, shall have all the Feathers stripp'd off his Back, and a corroding Plaister clapp'd on, which will eat to the Bones in a small Space of Time. For a capital Crime, every one in the Regiment is ordered to peck him as he's ty'd to a Post, till he dies. I have seen one who was condemn'd to this Death have Part of his Entrails torn out of his Side in a few Pecks.

94 Whoever speaks against the Ministry, is purged or vomited so severely, that he sometimes dies. Even Want of Complaisance to any menial Servant of a Minister, is esteem'd an Affront to his Master, and punish'd by a Year's Imprisonment; but a Slight put on any of the Squabbaws, is so heinous, that the Offender is punish'd, as for the highest Scandal. Sometimes it has happened, that Persons Question'd and Convicted for Fraud, Bribery, or other Crimes, by some Turn of Fortune having better'd their Circumstances, have afterwards been raised to Posts of Honour and Trust, and afterwards growing more wealthy, have been look'd upon with the same Esteem as the most worthy. I've known a Sharper, who could neither write nor read, made a Battano, in English, a Judge Advocate; and what rais'd him was his Dexterity at Gestaro, which is like the Play our School-boys divert themselves with, call'd Hussle-cap.

Tho' they have a Standing Army, yet the Cacklogallinians are all inlisted, and obliged to serve (in case of an Invasion) without Pay. They have no fortify'd Places, they being look'd upon as a Refuge for Malecontents, except only the imperial Palace. The Reader may wonder 95 how any Place can be fortified against those who can fly over the highest Walls; I must therefore inform him, that their strong Holds have all the open Places cover'd with Canvass stretch'd from Side to Side; upon which is strew'd an Herb so venemous, that, in six Hours after it has been expos'd to the Sun, it emits so pestiferous a Stench, that no Fowl can approach it by many Yards, but what will fall dead; and this Stench, by the Effluvia mounting, is no way offensive to those below. This is the Reason their Sieges are rather Blockades, and no fortify'd Town was ever taken but by starving. For tho' I have said, the Cacklogallinians have no such, yet their Neighbours have this Canvass, and Plenty of the Herb in and about most of their Towns, and can, in Twenty four Hours, put them in a Posture of Defence.

Upon the Decease of any Party, his Estate goes to the eldest of his Children, whether Male or Female; for the others, the Cocks are put into the Army, or to Trades; the Hens are married to the next Relations, who are obliged to take them, or allow them a Pension for Life, according to their Quality. Polygamy is forbid, tho' universally practised among the better Sort. There were publick Colleges 96 erected for the Education and Provision of poor Chickens; but as there is a strong Party, which takes them to be of ill Consequence; they are discountenanc'd so much, that it is thought they must fall some time or other.

The Customs, Manners, Dress, and Diversions of the Cacklogallinians.

THE Cacklogallinians value themselves on being a polite Nation; and indeed those amongst them who have travell'd, are very complaisant, full of their Professions of Friendship, and Offers of Service, tho' it's the first time they ever set Eyes on the Party to whom they make them; but if he takes this for any more than the Effects of good Breeding, and reminds a Courtier of his Promise, he is look'd upon as one who wants Education, and treated as a Peasant.

They are not at all sociable, tho' they frequently visit each other, which is with much Ceremony amongst the better Sort; for he who makes the Visit, sends before him a Servant to give Notice, 97 H that he intends to do himself the Honour to kiss the Spur of the Master of the House. If he is, or will be at home, Answer is made, that he returns Thanks for the Honour intended him, which he will expect with Impatience. When the Visiter arrives, Notice is given to the Family by one of his Servants, who strikes a brass Pan (hung at the Doors of all Persons of Distinction) so long, and with such Violence, that were it in England, he'd be indicted for a common Disturber. After this Peal, the Door is opened, and the Visiter received according to his Quality, either at the Street Door, Parlour Door, or in the Hall. He's led in, and seated on a Carpet, enquires after the Welfare of the Family, after which he takes Notice of the Weather, and then with great Ceremony takes his Leave, conducted as he was received.

None visit the Minister of State, neither is there any thing like the English Hospitality seen in the Visits of private Persons; for they never present you any Refreshment, not even that of cold Water, except at a formal Invitation, or a Wedding. At the latter they are very profuse. When a young Couple is married, for a Week they are never seen asunder; but after that, it is look'd upon 98 indecent to be seen with a Wife in any publick Company; and one would think they married to be reveng'd on each other for some former Injuries; for the Wife takes Care to shew her Contempt of her Husband, and he his Aversion to his Wife. They are great Admirers of Puppet-shews and other Spectacles, and will let their Families at Home want Necessaries, rather than not be seen at the Booth. What they most delight in is bloody Spectacles. There are poor Cacklogallinians, who fight on Stages for Money; if they cut one another to Pieces, the Spectators go away highly satisfied; but if their Art prevents their shedding much Blood, the Combatants are poorly rewarded, and look'd upon as a Couple of Cheats or Cowards.

A Goat had (as Tradition says) done formerly great Damage to the Corn of Danafalio, a Saint in great Veneration amongst them, who lived about Twelve Hundred Years ago; for which Reason, every Family, on a certain Day, diverts it self by breaking the Legs and Ribs of a Goat, and flaying it alive.

Their Burial of the Dead is so expensive, that it often ruines the Heir. When the Corpse is carried out of the House, a Herald goes before, who proclaims 89 H2 the Titles of the Deceas'd: If he has none, he has Three Days Notice to make a Genealogy for him. I saw the Burial of a quondam Taylor, who was nearly ally'd to a first Minister, and heard the Herald's Oration, which was as near as I remember, in these Words. See, Fellow-Citizens, the Vanity of all sublunary Things! and lament your own hard Fate in the Loss of the Illustrious Evanosmador. If Virtue, if Art, if Nobility of Blood, could any way have influenc'd the Tyrant Death, who could boast a greater Soul! Who exceed him in the Mysteries of his Art! Or lastly, Whose Veins were fill'd with a more noble Blood!

Here he repeated his Genealogy, which spoke him descended from a Number of Sovereign Princes, Grandees, Caja's, &c.

When the Corpse arrives at the great Market-place, where all the Dead are burnt, a Priest makes a Funeral Oration; which done, a great Number of Mourners, hired for that purpose, begin their Lamentations, which last till the Body is entirely consum'd. The Fire is made with Billets, on which the Arms of the Deceased are either carv'd or painted, which cannot cost less than an English Crown each. Every one of the Company is presented with two of these Billets; 100 one he lays on the Pile, the other he carries home, and hangs up in his House. After the Consumption of the Corpse, the Picture of the Deceas'd is hung over the Door for the Space of Twelve Moons. Their Ceremonies in marshalling the Company are tedious, and therefore I shall not mention them; I shall only take Notice, that the Dead are drawn by Six, or Eight Ostriches, cover'd with Cloath of Gold, upon an open Chariot.

When any begins to sicken, a Physician is sent for, who, after having examin'd the Patient, sends for a Venenugallpotior, something like our Apothecary, and gives him his Direction, takes his Fee, which is extravagant enough, and goes into his Palanquin; for a Physician, let him be a Second Hermes, or Galen, will never get Bread, if he does not make a Figure. He's sure to repeat his Visits, Morning and Even, if the Patient as often repeats his Fees; but whenever he finds any Symptoms of a weak Purse, he sets a Mark on that House, and no Intreaties will prevail with him to go under that Roof.

When the Relations of the Sick perceive him past Hopes of Recovery, they fall to plundering his House, neglect him 101 H3 entirely, and very often fall together by the Ears, begin with Blows, and end with a Law-suit, which seldom fails ruining both Plaintiff and Defendant; for their Lawyers rarely bring a Suit to Issue, till their Clients are brought to Beggary; and tho' they all know this to be the Consequence of their Litigation, yet is there no Nation so fond of going to Law.

When any one falls into Poverty, he's look'd upon as infected; for all his Acquaintance shun him; nay, very often his own Children will not own him, if in happier Circumstances: And what will seem wonderful to a Briton, who esteems Merit in Rags, and contemns the Vicious, tho' encompass'd with a Crowd of Servants, and distinguish'd by the glaring Titles of his Family; no sooner does a Cacklogollinian grow rich, but all the World courts him, tho' sprung from a Dunghill: And even those who can never hope any thing from him, shew him a profound Respect. Ask who such a one is, and they never tell you, that he is such a Fowl of Honour, or of such good Qualities, but answer, he is worth so much: Nay, Riches give a Man such Superiority, that a Merchant, the Son of a Butcher, presum'd so much upon the immense Sums he possess'd, that he had the Boldness 102 to tell the Emperor to his Face, if he did not prohibit the Importation of Corn (which was then very much wanted) he having a great Quantity by him, would draw his Money out of the publick Treasury, and then his Majesty might see who was able to supply him. The Emperor was advised to lay him by the Heels for his Sawciness, but the good Prince forgave him.

Their Dress is a close Doublet, and a a loose Mantle, which is either rich or plain, fine or coarse, not according to the Quality, but according to the Ability of the Wearer; for very often you can't distinguish, in respect of Dress, the Grandee from the Merchant, or the Squabbaw from her Attendant; for the meaner Sort lay all on their Backs. Their Necks are adorned with Ribbons, Bells, Medals, &c. and their Tail-feathers are beautify'd with additional ones from the Peacock, or Figures painted with various Colours, which must be by the Emperor's Permission, as has been before observ'd.

Their Exercises are pretty violent, and they are great Lovers of a Play for which I can find no Name in English. They begin with giving their next Neighbour a great Bang with the Wing, which is return'd by a Kick or Peck, or Stroke 103 H4 with the Spur; you would imagine they were so many engaged in a Battle, for they strike without Fear or Wit, and never mind on whom the Strokes light; for every one deals them about promiscuously, and as thick as he can lay them on. They will continue this Diversion, till they are not able to stand, or till some of the Company gets a Wing, a Leg, or a Head broke, or some other Damage, which the Party hurt never takes ill. This Play is indeed practised only among the younger, or the meaner Sort.

They are mighty fond of the Cuckoo, and will sit two Hours upon a Stretch to hear a Set of them exercise their natural Talent, for which they are paid and caress'd. I knew a Lady of Quality who gave a Pension of Five Thousand Spasma's, each Spasma worth Two Shillings Sterling, to one of these Birds to sing her to Sleep every Night. The Air of this Country is too cold for these Cuckoo's, who come from a more southern Clime, which is the Reason they stay not above three Years before they wing their Flight home, where they build Palaces with the Profits of their Journey: But as those who return send others in their stead, the Cacklogallinians are never long deprived of the Entertainment these Birds afford 'em.

104 Another Diversion they have, is the making the Ostriches run Races: The Feeding, Training, and Betting upon these Birds, have ruined many of the noblest Families. They are also mightily addicted to Dice, and will set and lose their Wives and Children, which they sometimes see eaten by the Winner, if he is of Quality.

This small Sketch of the Cacklogallinians I thought necessary, that the Reader might have some Idea of them. I happen'd to be cast on their Coast, just after they had made a Peace with the Magpyes, a puissant and neighbouring Nation, after a long, sanguine, and expensive War, which had well nigh exhausted the Forces and Treasure of both Parties, occasioned by the Cacklogallinians pretending they had a Right to nominate a Successor to the Emperor Chuctinio, who was in an advanced Age, and without issue; and the Magpyes pretended their King, as a Relation to that Emperor, had a Right to succeed to the Throne of the Bubohibonians, which is the Nation of Owls.

All the neighbouring States join'd the Cacklogallinians, in endeavouring to prevent this vast Increase of Power to the 105 Magpyes, since it must necessarily destroy the Balance of Power; and as their prince was both powerful and ambitious, they apprehended he would aim at an universal Monarchy: But then they would not allow the Cacklogallinians had any more Right than their Neighbours, to name a Successor; and if that Monarchy were to fall to the Share of any powerful Prince, it might be as dangerous to the common Good, as if yielded to the Magpyes; they therefore would have it divided.

The Peacock, who pretends to be the High-Priest of all Nations, and exacts on that Account Tributes from them, and calls himself the Disposer of Kingdoms, had his Tributes stopp'd by the Magpyes, about the same time; and complaining of this Injury, he invited Bigoteasy to declare War against Gripeallyominte, King of the Magpyes, which, on account of former Friendship, he absolutely refused. This so enraged the good High Priest, that he raised a Rebellion against him; he was dethron'd, taken Prisoner by his Subjects, and died in Confinement, and his Kingdom given by the Peacock, and the unanimous Consent of the People, to the greatest Prince that History ever mention'd, either for Wisdom or Bravery.

106 These Wars lasted Sixty and Seven Years, and the Cacklogallinians bore the greatest Share of the Expence; which had so far indebted them, that every Brain was at Work to project Methods for raising Money to pay the Interest.

These Schemes, which were every Day presented to the Minister, grew so numerous, that, had he applied himself to nothing else but their Examination, it would have taken up a great Part of his Time: And, indeed, I must own, that my Friend, the first Minister, gave himself but very little Trouble in things of this Nature, for all his Schemes, and all his Thoughts center'd in himself; and when I have gone to carry him Intelligence in a Morning, and all the great Fowl that came to pay their Levee, have been answer'd, that he was busy in his Closet upon Affairs of Importance to the State, and saw no Company, I have found him (for there were Orders for admitting me) either writing Directions concerning his Ostriches, or his Country Sports, or his Buildings, or examining his private Accounts; and tho' I often thought but meanly of my own Species, yet I began to think, from the Conduct of this great Minister, that a Cock was a far more selfish, and more worthless Animal than 107 Man; insomuch, that I have so despised them ever since, as to think them good for nothing but the Spit.

The Schemes which he put in Practice were all the Invention of others, tho' he assum'd the Credit of them; and I will be bold to say, that, before my Time, amongst Numbers that were offer'd to him, he generally chose the worst.

I was therefore order'd, after I had been two Years at Court, to take this Business upon me, with the Title of Castleairiano, or Project Examiner, and a Salary of Thirty Thousand Spasma's. The first Project offer'd me, was the laying a Tax on Cloath, and all manner of Stuffs. This I rejected, because it being the chief Manufacture of the Country, it would, by raising the Price abroad, be a Hindrance to the Commerce of the Nation, and give the Cormorants who made it, tho' nothing so fine as the Cacklogallinians, an Opportunity, by under-selling them, to become the chief Merchants in this Branch of Trade. But it would be tedious to mention the many Offers, with my Reasons for accepting or rejecting them, which I once a Week gave a List of to the Minister, who was often so good as to approve my Judgment.

108 There were Projects for taxing Soot, Corn, Ribbons, for coining all the Plate of the Nobility, for prohibiting the wearing of Gold or Silver. Some were for the Government's taking all the Torchtrees (which gave a Light, and are used like our Candles) and dispose of them, by which great Sums might be raised. Some were for laying a Tax on all who kept Coaches; others upon all who wore Silver or Gold Spurs: But these touching only the Rich, the Minister would not listen to. The Tax which he approved of most, was on the Light of the Sun, according to the Hours it was enjoy'd; so that the poor Peasant, who rose with it, paid for Twelve Hours Day-light, and the Nobility and Gentry, who kept their Beds till Noon, paid only for Six.

Another Tax was laid upon those who drank only Spring Water. This fell altogether on the Poor, for the better Sort drank the Juice of a certain Tree imported from the Bubohibonians.

Whoever had not an Estate in Land of an Hundred Spasma's was also tax'd Ten Spasma's a Year, to be paid out of their Day Labour. He who deliver'd a Project of fetching Gold from the Moon, was caress'd prodigiously, and his way 109 of reasoning approved; tho' I gave it in with a † as rejected by me, yet he was rewarded, and Preparation order'd for the Journey, in which I was commanded to accompany him: For, he insinuated to the Minister, that it was possible the Inhabitants might be of my Species; nay, that I myself might have dropp'd out of that World, which was more reasonable than to believe the Story I told, of having pass'd so great a Sea; and that I very likely had form'd this Story out of a Tenderness to my Country lest his Imperial Majesty should attempt its Conquest.

He had so possess'd the Minister with this Notion, that my arguing against it was to no purpose. He told me one Day, That all the Philosophers allow'd, nay, maintain'd, that both Animals, Vegetables, and Minerals, were generated, grew, and were nourished, by the Spirit of the World: A Quintessence partaking of all the Four Elements, tho' it was no One, might be called Air, and was not; Fire, and was not Fire, &c. That this Spirit was assisted by the Influence of the Planets, and tended to the highest Perfection of Purity. That all Metals were generated by the said Spirit, and differ'd from one another, but according 110 to the Purity or Impurity of the Matrices which receiv'd it. That as the Planets Influence was necessary, that of the Moon must, as the nearest to the Earth, be the most efficacious: That as it was visible to the Eye, the Moon was more depurated than the Earth; was surrounded by a thinner Air, in which the Spirit of the World is more abundant, and was nearer to the other Planets, he naturally concluded, that it must abound in Gold Mines; and this Conclusion was strengthened by the Mountains discernible in the Moon; and Mountains being mostly rocky, afforded the purest Matrice for the Universal Spirit; so that it seem'd to him impossible, that any other Metal, less pure, could be generated in that World. That such Metals, for their Use, were often preferable to Gold, and that in denying my Descent from thence, I was in Fact, doing an Injury to those I wish'd to serve, since by Intercourse with those Inhabitants, both Worlds might find their Advantage.

I answered his Excellency, That I wished he might ever find his and his Country's Good, in all his Undertakings, since I had so great Obligations to both; but that what I had told him of my self was every way consonant to Truth; 111 that I was so far from being an Inhabitant of the Moon, that I did not believe it habitable; and if it were, I did not think a Voyage thither practicable, for Reasons I wou'd give the Projector, whenever his Excellency would condescend to hear my Objections and his Answers: That if he, after that, would persist in the Undertaking, she should find me ready to sacrifice that Life in the Attempt, which I held from his Goodness. Well, return'd he, to morrow I will have him at my House, don't fail being there at Dinner; I will be denied to every one else, and hope his Reasons will convince you; for I have, I own, a greater Opinion of your Veracity, in what relates to this Affair, than of your Judgment.

The next Day I waited on his Excellency, where I found the Projector mention'd. He began the Discourse, addressing himself to me, after the usual Ceremonies.

I answer'd, That since his Excellency commanded, I would give in those Objections which occurr'd: The first was the extream Coldness of the Air; the second its great Subtlety, which to me made this Undertaking impracticable; besides, the Distance is such, by the learned Gentleman's Calculation, that could the Cacklogallinians, without resting, fly at the rate of 1500 Lapidians a Day, the Journey could not be ended in less than 116 six Moons: That there were no Inns in the Way, nor Places to rest in; and supposing we could carry Provisions for that Length of Time, I could not perceive how they could be always on Wing, and subsist without Sleep.

His Excellency seem'd to think the Difficulties I rais'd merited Consideration, and after some Pause, asked the Projector, if he could solve them.

The Minister rose up, and said he was fully satisfied with his Answers; the only Thing gave him Uneasiness, was the Length of Time I said was requisite to make this Journey.

His Excellency perceiv'd by my Countenance I was not satisfied, and therefore bid me take Heart, he wou'd send a Number of Palanquins with us, and if we found the second Region impervious by Reason of the Cold, we shou'd have the Liberty to return.

The only Talk now in Town was our designed Journey to the Moon, for which a great many of the swiftest Flyers were inlifted with Promises of great Reward. Palanquins were made sharp at each End, to cut the Air; the warmest Mantles and Hoods were made for the Bearers, and the Projector's and my Palanquin were close, and lined with Down.

A Company was erected, Shares sold of the Treasure we were to bring back; and happy was he who could first subscribe. These Subscriptions were sold at 2000 per Cent. Advantage, and in less than two Months, the Time spent in preparing for our Journey, I saw at least Five Hundred Lacqueys, who had fallen 120 into the Trade of buying and selling these Subscriptions in their gilt Palanquins, and Train of Servants after them. The Squabbaws, the Vultuaquilians, the Minister, and some of the Grand Council, shared amongst them Fifty Millions of Spasma's, ready Money, for what they sold of this chimerical Treasure.

This open'd my Eyes, and I found I had been very short-sighted, in condemning the Minister for giving Ear to a Project so contrary to Reason: But when I saw the noblest Families, and such whose Ruine was necessary to his own Support, sell their Estates to buy Shares, I look'd upon him as the wisest Minister in the known World; and was lost in Wonder, when I confider'd the Depth of his Designs.

I took the Liberty, once to mention my Astonishment to him, with all the Deference due to his exalted Quality, and with the Praises he justly deserved. He answer'd me, that he fear'd I saw farther than was either convenient, or safe for me, if my Taciturnity did not equal my Penetration. This he spoke in a Tone which gave me Apprehension of Danger; I threw my self at his Feet, and begg'd he would rather kill me, than suspect my Zeal for his Service; that what 121 I had taken the Liberty of saying to his Excellency, I had never the Imprudence to mention to any other; and that I hop'd the Experience he had of me would assure him of my Secrecy. Learn, said he, that Ministers work like Moles, and it's as dangerous to shew them you can enter into their Views, as to attempt their Lives: I have a Confidence in you; but had any other held me the same Discourse, I would have put it out of his Power to have repeated it to a third Person.

The Author begins his Journey to the MOON.

LL things necessary being provided, and the Palanquins of Provisions being sent before to join us at the Mountain Tenera, I had an Audience of Leave of his Imperial Majesty and his Squabbaws; after which, I went to receive my last Instructions from his Excellency. He gave me a Paper, with Orders not to open it, till I was arrived at the Mountain, which was about a Thousand Miles from the City. He having wish'd me a good Journey, said he had given Orders to six lusty Cacklogallimans to obey those I should give them; that he depended on my Fidelity and Prudence, and therefore, as I would find, had reposed a great Trust in me. I made him a suitable Answer, and retired to my Apartment in the Palace, where I found the Projector, who told me we were to set out the next Morning before Day. I 123 asked him, in Case we succeeded in our Journey, and found the Riches we coveted, how we should bring away any Quantity?

The next Morning we set forward at about Three o' Clock, and reach'd the Mountain in about Forty six Hours. We first refresh'd our selves, and when I was alone, I open'd my Instructions, which ran thus:

AS Experience proves you are not to be led by chimerical Notions, and that your Capacity and Fidelity render you fit to undertake the most difficult and secret Affairs, his Imperial Majesty thought none 124 so fit as yourself to be entrusted in the Management of the present Scheme; which that you may do to his Majesty's Satisfaction, and your own Interest and Credit, you are to observe the following Instructions.

I acted pursuant to these Instructions, and sent Volatilio forward, who reach'd the Top of the Hill; but finding the Air too thin to continue there, without the Help of humected Spunges, he therefore sent those back he carried with him to the mid Space of the Mountain, and an Express to me, by which he informed me what he had done; that he resolved to continue there a natural Day, and then join me where he had sent his Followers, to which Place he desired I would ascend, and defer the dispatching any Express to his Majesty, till he saw me again.

I ascended to the Mid-space, and found a vast Alteration in the Air, which even here was very sensibly rarified.

My Projector came to me at his appointed Time, and told me he did not question the Success of our Enterprize, since he imagined the Air above the second Region rather denser than that near the Earth, and hoped the Cold was not 126 more intense than on the Mountain's Top; and that if this prov'd so, we cou'd breathe and support the Cold with little Difficulty. I answer'd, that it was natural to conclude the Air next the Earth more dense than that above it, as the weightiest always descends the first.

I dispatch'd an Express with the Account I had received, and set forward, resolving to wait for further Instructions on the top of the Mountain. I was at a good Distance from the Summit, when I was obliged, by the Thinness of the 127 Air, to have Recourse to my wet Spunge, and was Four and Twenty Hours before I could intirely remove it. The Cacklogallinians found less Difficulty than I in their Respiration, but more in supporting the rigid Cold, especially at Night, when the Damps fell. We staid here Eight Days, that the Subtlety of the Air might become habitual to us.

On the seventh Day, the Messenger return'd with Credentials for Volatilio and my self, to the Potentate in whose Dominions we might happen, and Orders to proceed on our Journey. This Messenger told me, that on the Contents of my Letter being publish'd, the Town was illuminated throughout, and such a Number of Coaches and Palanquins bespoke, that he believed, at our Return, we should find none out of them but the Ostriches. Our Credentials ran thus.

According to the Orders we receiv'd, Volatilio took his Flight in an oblique 129 K Ascent, without a Palanquin, but wrapt up as warm as possible, accompanied by two Servants. He parted with great Alacrity, and we soon lost Sight of him. Some Half a Score, in Complaisance, took a Flight of three Hours to see him part of his Way towards his Discovery.

He went off at break of Day, to avoid those Vapours which the Heat of the Sun exhales, and which by Night would have rendered his Passage, he thought, impossible; for he hoped, in a small Space to gain beyond the Heighth they rise to. At the Return of those who convoy'd him, I sent away an Express, to acquaint the Emperor with their Report, which was, That they found no sensible Alteration as to the Rarefaction of the Air, and that the Cold was rather less intense. This News at Court made every one run mad after Shares, which the Proprietors sold at what Rate they pleas'd.

The next Day in the Even, we saw Volatilio on his Return: His first Salutation was, Courage my Friend, I have pas'd the Atmosphere, and, by Experience, have found my Conjecture true; for being out of the magnetick Power of the Earth, we rested in the Air, as on the solid Earth, and in an Air extreamly 130 temperate, and less subtle than what we breathe.

I sent again this Account to Court, but the Courtiers having no more Shares to sell, gave out, that Volatilio did not return as he promis'd, and it was expected, that I despair'd of the Undertaking, and believ'd him lost.

This was such a Damp to the Town; that Shares fell to Half Value, and none of the Courtiers would buy, sell they cou'd not, having (I mean those let into the Secret) already dispos'd of all by their Agents, tho' they pretended the contrary.

The Express return'd, with private Orders for me to confirm this Report, which I was oblig'd to do, and stay eight Days longer, as the publick Instructions to us both commanded.

This was a great Mortification to Volatilio, and, I own, the Report he made had rais'd my Curiosity so much, that I was uneasy at this Delay; but we were to obey, and not to enquire into the Reasons of it.

The Messenger returning, told me, that my last Letter had fallen the Shares to five per Cent. under Par, nothing but Lamentations eccho'd thro' the Streets, and it was impossible to give an Idea of 131 K2 the Change it had occasion'd. The Letter the Minister sent me order'd me to write him Word, that Volatilio was returned, had found no Obstacles, and that I was preparing to depart. That the Court had bought up a vast Number of Shares, and that he took Care of my Interest in particular; that I need stay for no farther Instructions, but make the best of my Way.

I gave Notice to the Caravan, that we would set forward the next Morning, which we accordingly did, and as near as I could compute, we flew that Day, 180 Miles. What surpriz'd me was, that in less than an Hour and half's Ascent, Volatilio, who would not go in his Palanquin, folded his Wings, and came to me on Foot, and told me I might get out and stretch my Limbs. My Palanquineers stood still, and confirm'd what he said; and more, that they had not for a Quarter of an Hour past been sensible of my Weight, which had lessen'd by Degrees, so as not to be felt at all.

I left my Palanquin, and found what Volatilio had conjectur'd, and his Report verified; for I could with as much Ease lift a Palanquin of Provisions, which did not on Earth weigh less than 500 Weight, 132 as I could on our Globe raise a Feather. The Cold was very much abated, and I found my Spirits rais'd.

I would here have sent back half the Palanquin-Bearers, but Volatilio was of Opinion we should keep them a Day longer; for, perhaps, said he, we may send them all (except those which carry you) away; for if the Universal Spirit included in the Air should suffice for our Nourishment, we have no Business with Provisions.

I approv'd his Reason, and we proceeded on, sure of falling first into the Attraction of the Moon, it being the nearest Planet to us.

I shall not detain the Reader with my Observations in this aerial Journey; Gallileus, who by his Writings gives me room to believe he had, before me, visited this Planet, whatever were his Reasons for not owning it, having left nothing, which is not mentioned in his Systema Mundi.

I observ'd only, which I take Notice of for those who have not read him, that when the Moon has but a small Part of his Body enlighten'd, that the Earth, the other Moon, has a proportionable Part of its Hemisphere visibly darken'd; I mean a Part in proportion to that of the Moon which is enlighten'd; and that 133 K3 both these Moons, of which ours is much the larger, mutually participate the same Light of the Sun, and the same Obscurity of the Eclipses, and mutually assist each other: For when the Moon is in Conjunction with the Sun, and its pars superior receives all the Light, then its inferior Hemisphere is enlighten'd by the Earth's reflecting the Rays of the Sun, otherwise it would be intirely dark; and when those two Planets are in Opposition, then that Part of the Earth which is deprived of the Rays of the Sun, is enlighten'd by a full Moon.

The next Day Volatilio was for sending back the Provisions, but I judg'd it proper not to go forward, but to stay the Space of a natural Day, in the same Situation, because in that time, or in no other in the Journey, we should require Sustenance, and also because their Return would be easier, than if we carried them still forward.

This was agreed to, and none of us finding any Appetite, Weakness, or Sinking of our Spirits, dismiss'd all but those who carried my Palanquin, and proceeded forward with an incredible Swiftness.

We were about a Month before we came into the Attraction of the Moon, in all which time none of us had the 134 least Inclination to Sleep or Meat, or found our selves any way fatigued, nor, till we reach'd that Planet, did we close our Eyes; the Attraction was so great, that it was all the Bearers and Volatilio could do to prevent our being dash'd to Pieces on a Mountain; we descended with that inconceivable Swiftness, that I apprehended it impossible, in our Return, to avoid that Misfortune in the World we left; since the Attraction, if its Virtue was augmented in proportion to its Magnitude, must be much stronger.

This Thought made me very uneasy for those who return'd. I spoke of it to Volatilio who bid me apprehend nothing; for, said he, the Magnetick Virtue of the Load-stone is so far from being in Proportion to its Size, that the very large ones have less attractive Power than those which are middling.

When I had recover'd from the Fright, which the Rapidity of our Descent had put me into, I view'd the circumjacent Country with equal Wonder and Delight; Nature seem'd here to have lavish'd all her Favours; on whatsoever Side I turn'd my Eye, the most ravishing Prospect was offer'd to my Sight. The Mountain yielded a gradual Descent to most beautiful Meadows, enamell'd 135 K4 with Cowslips, Roses, Lilies, Jessamines, Carnations, and other fragrant Flowers, unknown to the Inhabitants of our Globe, which were as grateful to the Smell, as entertaining to the Eye. The chrystal Rivulets which smoothly glided thro' these inchanting Meads, seem'd so many Mirrors reflecting the various Beauties of those odoriferous Flowers which adorn'd their Banks. The Mountain, which was of considerable Height, afforded us a great Variety in our Prospect, and the Woods, Pastures, Meads, and small Arms of the Sea, were intermingled with that surprizing Beauty and Order, that they seem'd rather dispos'd by Art, than the Product of Nature; the Earth it self yielded a grateful and enlivening Scent, and is so pure, that it does not sully the Hands. The Cedars, which cloath'd the middle Part of the Summit, were streight, tall, and so large, that seven Men would hardly fathom the Bowl of one; round these twin'd the grateful Honey-suckle, and encircling Vine, whose purple Grapes appearing frequent from among the Leaves of the wide extended Branches, gave an inconceivable Pleasure to the Beholder. The Lily of the Valley, Violet, Tuberose, Pink, Julip and Jonquil, cloath'd 136 their spacious Roots, and the verdant Soil afforded every salutiferous Herb and Plant, whose Vertues diffus'd thro' the ambient Air (without the invenom'd and the griping Fist of the Cacklogallinian Empiricks) Preservatives to the blessed Inhabitants of the Lunar World.

The Heavens here were ever serene; no Thunder-bearing Cloud obscur'd the Sky; the whispering Zephyrs wanton'd in the Leaves, and gently bore along the enchanting Musick of the feather'd Choir: The Sea here knew no Storms, nor threatning Wave, with Mountain swell, menaced the Ships, which safely plough'd the peaceful Bosom of the Deep. Æolus and all his boisterous Sons were banish'd from these happy Seats, and only kindly Breezes fann'd the fragrant Air. In short, all was ravishing, and Nature seem'd here to have given her last Perfection to her Works, and to rejoice in her finish'd Labours.

I found my Spirits so invigorated by the refreshing Odours, of this Paradice, so elated with the Serenity of the Heavens, and the Beauties which every where entertained and rejoiced my Sight, that in Extasy I broke out into this grateful Soliloquy.

O Source of Wisdom, Eternal Light of the Universe! what 137 Adorations can express the grateful Acknowledgments of thy diffusive Bounty! Who can contemplate the beauty of thy Works, the Product of thy single Fiat, and not acknowledge thy Omnipotence, Omniscience, and extensive Goodness! What Tongue can refrain from singing thy Praise! What Heart so hard, but must be melted into Love! Oh Eternal Creator, pity my Weakness, and since I cannot speak a Gratitude adequate to thy Mercies, accept the Fulness of my Heart, too redundant for Expression.

As I spoke this, in the Cacklogallinian Tongue, Volatilio came up to me, and said,

Finding our selves press'd by Hunger, we descended the Mountain, at the Foot of which we found a Plantation of Olive Trees, and abundance of Pear, standing Apricock, Nectarn, Peach, Orange, and Lemon Trees, interspers'd. We satisfied our craving Appetites with the Fruit we gather'd, and then getting into my Palanquin, Volatilio leading the Way, we went in Search of the Inhabitants. Our Flight was little better than a Soar, that we might with more Advantage view the Country.

139 After a couple of Hours, he saw a House, but of so great a Height, and so very large, I who was short-sighted in Comparison of the Cacklogallinians, took it for a great Hill; I told him my Opinion, but he assured me I was mistaken. We therefore urg'd forward, and I alighted not far from this Palace, for I could term it no other, from the Largeness and Beauty of its Structure. We had been discover'd, as I had reason to believe, some Time, and a Number of People about Thirty, at our alighting, immediately encompass'd me. The gigantick Make of these Inhabitants struck me with a panick Fear, which I also discover'd in the Eyes of the Cacklogallinians.

They were of different Statures, from Thirty to an Hundred and Fifty Foot high, as near as I cou'd guess; some of them were near as thick as long, some proportionable, and others shap'd like a Pine, being no thicker than my self, tho' tall of an Hundred Foot.

I resolv'd however to conceal, if possible, the Terror I was in, and coming out of my Palanquin, I went to salute the Company, when I observ'd they retired from me in proportion as I advanced, and like a Vapour, or an Ignis 140 fatuus, the Air being mov'd by my Motion, drove those which were directly opposite still before me.

I stood still, they did the same; if I was astonish'd at their Make, and at what other things I had observ'd, I was more so, when I saw one of the tallest, dwindle in the Twinkling of an Eye, to a Pigmy, fly into the Air without Wings, and carry off a Giant in each Hand by the Hair of the Head.

They were all differently dress'd at their first Appearance; some like Generals in Armour, some were in Ecclesiastical, and some in Gowns not unlike our Barristers at Law. Some were dress'd as fine as Imagination could make 'em, but with the quickness of Thought, these Dresses were all changed, who was cover'd with Rags one Moment, the next was in Purple, with a Crown on his Head; the Beau in Rags; the Priest assum'd the Air and Dress of a Bully, and the General was turn'd into a demure Figure resembling a Quaker.

I was struck dumb with Amazement, and while I was considering with my self what this should mean, I observ'd a Man riding up to us, mounted on a Lion; when he came to the others, I found him of the common Size with the Inhabitants 141 of our Globe; he had on his Head a Crown of Bays, which in an Instant chang'd to a Fool's Cap, and his Lion to an Ass. He drew from his Breast a Rowl like a Quire of Written Paper, which using as a Sword, he set upon the others, and dispers'd them. Some ran over the Sea, as on dry Ground; others flew into the Air, and some sunk into the Earth. Then alighting from his Ass, he opened the Jaws of the Animal, went down his Throat, and they both vanish'd.

After I had recover'd my Fright, I told Volatilio, that I fear'd this Planet was inhabited by evil Spirits. He answered, that what we had seen, was sufficient to induce us to believe so. We look'd for the House, which we saw rise into the Air, and vanish in Flame and Smoke, which strengthen'd our Opinion. However, we resolv'd to go forward, when one of the Palanquineers said he saw a House on the left, and People of my Size and Species making towards us.

We determin'd therefore to wait their Arrival, which was in less than a Quarter of an Hour. They accosted me very courteously, as I could gather from their Gestures, tho' they seem'd surprized at 142 the Size of the Cacklogallinians. I was not less amaz'd at the Beauty of their Persons, and the Becomingness of their Dress, either of which I can give no just Idea of. Let it suffice, that I seem'd both in my own, and in the Eyes of the Cacklogallinians, something of the same Species, but frightfully ugly.

These People are neither a corporeal, nor an aerial Substance, but (I know not how otherwise to express my self) between both. They spoke to me in a Language I did not understand, but the Tone of their Voices, and the Smoothness of their Syllables, were divinely harmonious. I bow'd my Body to the Ground three times, and offer'd my Credentials, which one of them took, but by the shaking of his Head, I found understood nothing of the Contents. Volatilio then address'd himself to them, which made them look on one another, as People who hardly believed their Senses. As I had address'd these Selenites in the Cacklogallinian Language, I had a Mind to try, if speaking in those of the Europeans (for I understood, beside my own, the French and Spanish) I should have any better Success. I therefore spoke in English, and, to my great Joy, one of the Company answer'd me. He ask'd me, Whether 143 I came from the World? if so, how I durst undertake so perilous a Journey? I told him, I would satisfy his Curiosity in answering all his Questions, but desired he would give me some Time; for I had been so terrified by Phantoms, since my Arrival, that I was hardly capable of Recollection.

While I was speaking, a Man on Horseback ran full speed upon me with a drawn Sabre, to cleave me down; but the Selenite waving his Hand, he soon vanish'd.

I told him they were rational Beings, but that the Story was now too long to tell him; he presented me to the rest of the Company, and, at my Request, the Cacklogallinians were humanly treated, whom otherwise they had look'd upon as overgrown dunghill Fowls. Volatilio did not appear much surpriz'd at this, who had once esteem'd me a Prodigy of Nature. As we walk'd to the House, one of the Selenites address'd me in the Spanish Language, with the known Affiability and Gravity of that Nation.

I return'd him many Thanks for his Humanity, but told him I durst not attribute to my self the Character he gave me; that I was a Lover of Truth, and would not, on any Account, disguise the real Motive which sent me on an Undertaking I look'd upon impossible to go thro' with, and which I very unwillingly embark'd in: But since, contrary to my Expectations, Providence has guided me to this Terrestrial Paradice, I should esteem my self extreamly happy, if I might be permitted to ask such Questions as my Curiosity might prompt me to.

146 He answer'd, that nothing I desir'd to know should be kept from me. We soon reach'd the House, which was regular, neat, and convenient. We all sat down in an inner Hall, and he who spoke English, desired I would give an Account, both of the Motives, the Manner, and Accidents of my Journey, which I did as succinctly as possible, interpreting the Credentials, when I gave them.

He was astonish'd at the Account I gave him of the Cacklogallinians, and said, if my Account was not back'd with ocular Demonstration, he should take their Story for the Ravings of a distemper'd Brain.

We were indeed very sleepy, and I was heartily glad of the Proposal, as were also the Cacklogallinians, when I mention'd it to them. They, as well as my self, were provided each of them with a Bed, in very handsome and commodious Rooms. These Beds were so very soft, that I seem'd to lye on a 147 L2 Couch of Air. When we awak'd, the Selenites came into my Chamber, and told me it was time to take some Nourishment; that they had provided Corn for my Companions, and desir'd I would sit down to Supper with them, it being their usual time.

I went with them into a Parlour, where, after a Hymn was sung, we sat down to a Table cover'd with Sallets and all sorts of Fruits.

Which I found true by Experience, and I was so far from hankering after Flesh, that even the Thoughts of it were shocking and nauseous to me.

We drank the most delicious Wine, which they press'd from the Grape into their Cups, and which was no way intoxicating. After Supper, the Selenite address'd himself to me in Words to this Effect.

I repeated this Discourse to the Cacklogallinians, which made Volatilio extreamly melancholly. Happy Men! said he, to whose Species the divine Goodness has been so indulgent! Miserable Cacklogallinians! if destin'd, after bearing the Ills of Life, to Annihilation. Let us, Probusomo, never think of returning, but beg we may be allow'd to end our Days with these Favourites of Heaven.

152 I interpreted this to the Selenite, who shook his Head, and said it was, he believ'd, impossible. That he did not doubt but Providence would reward the Virtuous of his Species; that his Mercy and Justice were without Bound, which ought to keep him from desponding.

The next Day a great Number of Selenites came to see me, and entertain'd me with abundance of Candour. I seeing no Difference in Dress, nor any Deference paid to any, as distinguish'd by a superior Rank, I took Liberty to ask my English Selenite, if all the Inhabitants were upon a Level, and if they had no Servants nor Artificers?

He told me, that the next Day they intended to present me to Abrahijo, the oldest Selenite.

153 Accordingly, we set out at Sun-rising, and entered a Bark about a League from the House, and having pass'd about four Leagues on a River which ran thro' a Valley beautiful beyond Description, we went ashore within an Hundred Yards Abrahijo's Place of Abode.

When we came in, the venerable old Man, whose compos'd and chearful Countenance spoke the Heaven of his Mind, rose from his Chair, and came to meet us; he was of a great Age, but free from the Infirmities which attend it in our World.

The English Selenite presented me to him with few Words, and he received me with Tenderness.

After he was inform'd of my Story, he spoke to me by our Interpreter, to this Effect.

I made him a profound Reverence, thank'd him for his charitable Admonition, and told him I hoped nothing should win me from the Performance of a Duty which carry'd with it such ineffable Rewards. That if no greater were promised, than those indulged to the Selenites, I would refuse no Misery attending the most abject Life, to be enrolled in the Number of the Inhabitants of that happy Region.

156 The Table was spread by himself and the other Selenites, the Cacklogallinians and my self invited, and I observ'd it differ'd nothing, either in Quality or Quantity, from that of my English Host.

After a solemn Adoration of the ineffable Creator, each took his Place; having finish'd our Meal, at which a strict Silence was observed, Abrahijo took me by the Hand, and led me into a neighbouring Field, the Beauty of which far excell'd that of the most labour'd and artificial Garden among us.

The Shade represented an old withered starv'd Carcass, brooding over Chests of Money. Immediately appeared three ill-look'd Fellows; Want, Despair, and Murder, were lively-pictur'd in their Faces; they were taking out the Iron Bars of the old Man's Window, when all vanish'd of a sudden. I ask'd the Meaning of it; he told me, the Terror the Dream of Thieves put him into, had awaken'd him; and the Minute he slept again, I should see again his Shade. Hardly had Abrahijo done speaking, when I again saw the old Man, with a young well-dress'd Spark 157 standing by him, who paid him great Respect. I heard him say very distinctly,

The young Gentleman answer'd, he was sensible of his Friendship, and left all to him.

He went away, t'other barr'd the Door after him, and falls to rummaging his Bags, and telling out the Sum to be lent to the young Gentleman: When, on a sudden, his Doors flew open, and a Couple of Rogues bound him in his Bed, and went off laden with Baggs. Soon after, a meagre Servant comes in, and unbinds him; he tears his Hair, raves, stamps, and has all the Gestures of a Madman; he sends the Servant out, takes a Halter, throws it over a Beam, and going to hang himself, vanishes.

Soon after, he appeared again with Officers, who hurry the young Gentleman to Goal. He follows him, gets his Estate made over to him, and then sets his Prisoner at Liberty: The Scene of the Goal vanishes, and he's in a noble 159 Mansion-Seat with the young Gentleman in Rags, who gives him Possession, and receives a Trifle from him for that Consideration. He turns away all the Servants, and in a Palace he is alone roasting an Egg over a Handful of Fire for his Dinner. His Son comes in, as he is by himself, goes to murder him, and he vanishes again. He returns to our Sight, digging in his Garden, and hiding Money, for Soldiers appear in the neighbouring Village: He has scarce buried it, when they rifle his House; this makes us lose him again for a little Space. His Coachman comes to him, tells him his Son is kill'd; he answers,

He tells him a Lord offer'd him Five Hundred Pounds to carry off his young Lady, but that he refused it, and thought himself obliged to acquaint him with his Lordship's Design.

Here he thrust the Fellow out, and appear'd with a smiling Countenance. A Man comes in, and tells him the Exchequer is shut up, Stocks are fallen, a War declar'd, and a new Tax laid on Land; he beats his Breast, groans aloud, and vanishes.

Another Shade appear'd with a great Crowd of People, huzzaing, a Venditor, a Venditor; he goes before them, steps into every Shop, enquires after the Health of each Family, kisses the Wives, and out of his thrusts Gold into their Mouths. Here he bows to a Tinker, there embraces a Cobler, shakes a Scavinger by the Hand, stands bare-headed, and compliments an Ale-Wife, invites a Score of Shoemakers, Taylors, Pedlars, Weavers, 161 M and Hostlers, to do him the Honour of their Company to Dinner.

The Scene changes; he's at Court, the Ministers repay him his servile Cringes by theirs; one comes up to him, and says, he hopes, when the Bill comes into the House, he will favour him with his Vote for its passing: He answers, he shall discharge the Trust reposed in him, like a Man of Honour, in forwarding what is for the Good of his Country, and opposing the contrary, tho' the Consequence were his own Ruin: That he begg'd his Lordship's Pardon, if he dissented from him in Opinion, and did not think what he required warrantable in a Man of Honour.

Three dirty Mechanicks appeared in a Shoemaker's Shop, who was a Dreamer. He was declaiming to his Companions over a Pot of Beer, after the followingManner.

The rest gave their assenting Nod, and seem'd to wonder at, and applaud his Eloquency. In a Moment, I saw him preaching to a Mobb against the Luxury of the Age, and telling them it shew'd a Meanness of Spirit to want Necessaries, while the Gentry, by force of long Usurpations on their Rights, rioted in all manner of Excess. That Providence brought none into the World that he might starve; but that all on Earth had a Right to what was necessary to their Support, which they ought to sieze, since the Rich refus'd to share with them. From a Preacher I saw him a Captain of a Rabble, plundering the Houses of the Nobility, was terrible to all; and tho' he declared for levelling, would be serv'd with the Pomp and Delicacy of a Prince; 164 marries his Daughters to Lords, hoards an immense Treasure, and wakes from his golden Dream.

Another Shade I saw suborning Witnesses, giving them Instructions what to swear, packing Juries, banishing, hanging and beheading all his Enemies, sending immense Sums to foreign Courts, to support his Power at Home, bribing Senates, and carrying all before him without Controul, when he vanish'd. My English Friend told me, that Soul belong'd to the Body of a Money-Scrivener, who almost crack'd his Brain with Politicks, and thought of nothing less than being a prime Minister. I knew him while I was in the World; his whole Discourse always ran on Liberty, Trade, Free Elections, &c. and constantly inveigh'd against all corrupt and self-interested Practices. I saw Persons descended from the ancient Nobility fawning on Valets who were arrived to great Preferment for Pimping; I beheld others contriving Schemes, to bring their Wives and Daughters into the Company of Persons in Power, and aiming to gain Preferment for themselves, at the Expence of the Vertue of their Families; nor was there a Vice, a Folly or a Baseness, practised in this World below, tho' ever so secret, which I did 165 not see there represented, the Particulars of which being too long for this Place, I must beg Leave to refer them to the Second Volume of my Voyages.

In the mean time I was allow'd a Week to satisfy my Curiosity, and make my Observations on all the strange things which were there to be seen, which I may justly reckon the most agreeable Part of my whole Life; and also a further Time to refresh my self: Which being done, we prepared for our Journey, being provided with all things necessary for that Purpose.

As I found in my self that longing Desire (which is natural to all Men, who have been long absent from Home) of returning to see my own Country; and being besides unwilling to go back to Cacklogallinia, the Actions and Designs of the first Minister, to which I was privy, having made such Impressions upon me, that I was prejudic'd against their whole Nation; nor was that Prejudice remov'd, by being acquainted with their Laws, Customs and Manners, some of which appeared to me unreasonable, and others barbarous.

I say, upon the aforesaid Considerations, I apply'd my self to some of the Selenites, whose Courtesy I had already 166 experienced, asking them, whether they could direct me to find out some Part of the Terrestrial World, known and frequented to by Europeans: They were so good to give me full and plain Instructions what Course to steer thro' the Air for that Purpose, which I was very well able to follow, having a Pocket Compass about me, which I brought from England, it having long been my Custom never to stir any where without one.

It being necessary to bring Volatilio into the Design, I went to him and told him, that as we were so unfortunate not to succeed in finding out the Country of Gold, it would be adviseable to return home some other Way, in hopes of better Success in going back; otherwise we might, in all Probability, meet with a disagreeable Welcome from the Emperor and the whole Court. Volatilio hearken'd to these Reasons, and besides having the true Spirit of a Projector in him, which is, not to be discouraged at Disappointments, he consented to my Proposal.

Accordingly we set out, and after some Days travelling, we meeting with little or nothing in our Journey differing from our former, we lighted safely upon the Blue Mountain in Jamaica. Here I was 167 within my own Knowledge; for having formerly made several Voyages to Jamaica, was no Stranger to the Place.

Now therefore I thought it time to acquaint the Cacklogallinians with the innocent Fraud I had put upon them; they seem'd frighted and surprized, as not knowing how to get home to their own Country: For Volatilio apear'd to be quite out of his Element. However, I directed them which Way to steer, which was directly Southward; and having rested for some time, they took their Leave of me, and Volatilio, with his Palanquineers, began their Flight, as I had directed them, and I never saw them more.

As for my Part, I made the best of my Way to Kingston, where coming acquainted with one Captain Madden, Commander of the London Frigate, he was so kind, upon hearing my Story, to offer to give me my Passage gratis, with whom having embark'd at Port Royal, I reach'd my native Country, after a Passage of Nine Weeks.