[5] He means that
an estuary (πορθμὁς)
is formed by the rising tide in the morning, and the water flows
out again as the tide falls in the evening.
[6] From the first
until the third quarter.
[7] See note in
Bury's edition of Gibbon, Vol. IV. p. 180, for an interesting
account of this event.
[8] This is a
general observation; the title "rex" was current among the
barbarians to indicate a position inferior to that of a
βασιλεὑς
or "imperator"; cf. VI. xiv. 38.
[9] Probably a
reminiscence of the "princeps senatus" of classical times.
II
526
a.d.After his death the kingdom
was taken over by Atalaric, the son of Theoderic's daughter; he
had reached the age of eight years and was being reared under the
care of his mother Amalasuntha. For his father had already
departed from among men. And not
long afterward Justinian succeeded to the imperial power in
Byzantium. 527 a.d.Now
Amalasuntha, as guardian of her child, administered the
government, and she proved to be endowed with wisdom and regard
for justice in the highest degree, displaying to a great extent
the masculine temper. As long as she stood at the head of the
government she inflicted punish[17]ment upon no Roman in any
case either by touching his person or by imposing a fine.
Furthermore, she did not give
way to the Goths in their mad desire to wrong them, but she even
restored to the children of Symmachus and Boetius their fathers'
estates. Now Amalasuntha wished
to make her son resemble the Roman princes in his manner of life,
and was already compelling him to attend the school of a teacher
of letters. And she chose out three among the old men of the
Goths whom she knew to be prudent and refined above all the
others, and bade them live with Atalaric. But the Goths were by no means pleased with this.
For because of their eagerness to wrong their subjects they
wished to be ruled by him more after the barbarian fashion. On
one occasion the mother, finding the boy doing some wrong in his
chamber, chastised him; and he in tears went off thence to the
men's apartments. And some Goths who met him made a great to-do
about this, and reviling Amalasuntha insisted that she wished to
put the boy out of the world as quickly as possible, in order
that she might marry a second husband and with him rule over the
Goths and Italians. And all
the notable men among them gathered together, and coming before
Amalasuntha made the charge that their king was not being
educated correctly from their point of view nor to his own
advantage. For letters, they said, are far removed from
manliness, and the teaching of old men results for the most part
in a cowardly and submissive spirit. Therefore the man who is to
shew daring in any work and be great in renown ought to be freed
from the timidity which teachers inspire and to take his training
in arms.[19] They added that even Theoderic would
never allow any of the Goths to send their children to school;
for he used to say to them all that, if the fear of the strap
once came over them, they would never have the resolution to
despise sword or spear. And
they asked her to reflect that her father Theoderic before he
died had become master of all this territory and had invested
himself with a kingdom which was his by no sort of right,
although he had not so much as heard of letters. "Therefore, O
Queen," they said, "have done with these tutors now, and do you
give to Atalaric some men of his own age to be his companions,
who will pass through the period of youth with him and thus give
him an impulse toward that excellence which is in keeping with
the custom of barbarians."
When Amalasuntha heard
this, although she did not approve, yet because she feared the
plotting of these men, she made it appear that their words found
favour with her, and granted everything the barbarians desired of
her. And when the old men had
left Atalaric, he was given the company of some boys who were to
share his daily life,—lads who had not yet come of age but
were only a little in advance of him in years; and these boys, as
soon as he came of age, by enticing him to drunkenness and to
intercourse with women, made him an exceptionally depraved youth,
and of such stupid folly that he was disinclined to follow his
mother's advice. Consequently he utterly refused to champion her
cause, although the barbarians were by now openly leaguing
together against her; for they were boldly commanding the
[21]woman to withdraw from the palace.
But Amalasuntha neither became
frightened at the plotting of the Goths nor did she, womanlike,
weakly give way, but still displaying the dignity befitting a
queen, she chose out three men who were the most notable among
the barbarians and at the same time the most responsible for the
sedition against her, and bade them go to the limits of Italy,
not together, however, but as far apart as possible from one
another; but it was made to appear that they were being sent in
order to guard the land against the enemy's attack. But
nevertheless these men by the help of their friends and
relations, who were all still in communication with them, even
travelling a long journey for the purpose, continued to make
ready the details of their plot against Amalasuntha.
And the woman, being unable to endure these things any longer,
devised the following plan. Sending to Byzantium she enquired of the Emperor
Justinian whether it was his wish that Amalasuntha, the daughter
of Theoderic, should come to him; for she wished to depart from
Italy as quickly as possible. And the emperor, being pleased by the suggestion,
bade her come and sent orders that the finest of the houses in
Epidamnus should be put in readiness, in order that when
Amalasuntha should come there, she might lodge in it and after
spending such time there as she wished might then betake herself
to Byzantium. When Amalasuntha learned this, she chose out
certain Goths who were energetic men and especially devoted
[23]to her and sent them to kill the three
whom I have just mentioned, as having been chiefly responsible
for the sedition against her. And she herself placed all her possessions,
including four hundred centenaria[10] of gold, in a single ship and embarked on it
some of those most faithful to her and bade them sail to
Epidamnus, and, upon arriving there, to anchor in its harbour,
but to discharge from the ship nothing whatever of its cargo
until she herself should send orders. And she did this in order
that, if she should learn that the three men had been destroyed,
she might remain there and summon the ship back, having no
further fear from her enemies; but if it should chance that any
one of them was left alive, no good hope being left her, she
purposed to sail with all speed and find safety for herself and
her possessions in the emperor's land. Such was the purpose with
which Amalasuntha was sending the ship to Epidamnus; and when it
arrived at the harbour of that city, those who had the money
carried out her orders. But a
little later, when the murders had been accomplished as she
wished, Amalasuntha summoned the ship back and remaining at
Ravenna strengthened her rule and made it as secure as might
be.
FOOTNOTE:
[10] See Book I.
xxii. 4; III. vi. 2 and note.
III
There was among the Goths
one Theodatus by name, son of Amalafrida, the sister of
Theoderic, a man already of mature years, versed in the Latin
literature and the teachings of Plato, but without [25]any
experience whatever in war and taking no part in active life, and
yet extraordinarily devoted to the pursuit of money. This Theodatus had gained possession
of most of the lands in Tuscany, and he was eager by violent
methods to wrest the remainder from their owners. For to have a
neighbour seemed to Theodatus a kind of misfortune. Now Amalasuntha was exerting herself
to curb this desire of his, and consequently he was always vexed
with her and resentful. He
formed the plan, therefore, of handing over Tuscany to the
Emperor Justinian, in order that, upon receiving from him a great
sum of money and the senatorial dignity, he might pass the rest
of his life in Byzantium. After Theodatus had formed this plan, there came
from Byzantium to the chief priest of Rome two envoys, Hypatius,
the priest of Ephesus, and Demetrius, from Philippi in Macedonia,
to confer about a tenet of faith, which is a subject of
disagreement and controversy among the Christians. As for the points in dispute, although
I know them well, I shall by no means make mention of them; for I
consider it a sort of insane folly to investigate the nature of
God, enquiring of what sort it is. For man cannot, I think,
apprehend even human affairs with accuracy, much less those
things which pertain to the nature of God. As for me, therefore,
I shall maintain a discreet silence concerning these matters,
with the sole object that old and venerable beliefs may not be
discredited. For I, for my part, will say nothing whatever about
God save that He is altogether good and has all things in His
power. But let each one say whatever he thinks he knows about
these matters, both priest and layman.[27] As for Theodatus, he met these envoys
secretly and directed them to report to the Emperor Justinian
what he had planned, explaining what has just been set forth by
me.
But at this juncture
Atalaric, having plunged into a drunken revel which passed all
bounds, was seized with a wasting disease. Wherefore Amalasuntha was in great perplexity;
for, on the one hand, she had no confidence in the loyalty of her
son, now that he had gone so far in his depravity, and, on the
other, she thought that if Atalaric also should be removed from
among men, her life would not be safe thereafter, since she had
given offence to the most notable of the Goths. For this reason she was desirous of
handing over the power of the Goths and Italians to the Emperor
Justinian, in order that she herself might be saved. And it happened that Alexander, a
man of the senate, together with Demetrius and Hypatius, had come
to Ravenna. For when the
emperor had heard that Amalasuntha's boat was anchored in the
harbour of Epidamnus, but that she herself was still tarrying,
although much time had passed, he had sent Alexander to
investigate and report to him the whole situation with regard to
Amalasuntha; but it was
given out that the emperor had sent Alexander as an envoy to her
because he was greatly disturbed by the events at Lilybaeum which
have been set forth by me in the preceding narrative,[11] and because ten Huns
from the army in Libya had taken flight and reached Campania, and
Uliaris, who was guarding Naples, had received them not at all
against the will of Amalasuntha, and also because the Goths, in
making war on the Gepaedes about[29] Sirmium,[12] had treated the city
of Gratiana, situated at the extremity of Illyricum, as a hostile
town. So by way of protesting to Amalasuntha with regard to these
things, he wrote a letter and sent Alexander.
And when Alexander
arrived in Rome, he left there the priests busied with the
matters for which they had come, and he himself, journeying on to
Ravenna and coming before Amalasuntha, reported the emperor's
message secretly, and openly delivered the letter to her.
And the purport of the
writing was as follows: "The fortress of Lilybaeum, which is
ours, you have taken by force and are now holding, and
barbarians, slaves of mine who have run away, you have received
and have not even yet decided to restore them to me, and besides
all this you have treated outrageously my city of Gratiana,
though it belongs to you in no way whatever. Wherefore it is time
for you to consider what the end of these things will some day
be." And when this letter
had been delivered to her and she had read it, she replied in the
following words: "One may reasonably expect an emperor who is
great and lays claim to virtue to assist an orphan child who does
not in the least comprehend what is being done, rather than for
no cause at all to quarrel with him. For unless a struggle be
waged on even terms, even the victory it gains brings no honour.
But thou dost threaten Atalaric on account of Lilybaeum, and ten
runaways, and a mistake, made by soldiers in going against their
enemies, which through some misapprehension chanced to affect a
friendly city. Nay! do not
thus; do not thou thus, O Emperor, but call to mind [31]that when
them wast making war upon the Vandals, we not only refrained from
hindering thee, but quite zealously even gave thee free passage
against the enemy and provided a market in which to buy the
indispensable supplies,[13] furnishing especially the multitude of horses
to which thy final mastery over the enemy was chiefly due. And
yet it is not merely the man who offers an alliance of arms to
his neighbours that would in justice be called their ally and
friend, but also the man who actually is found assisting another
in war in regard to his every need. And consider that at that
time thy fleet had no other place at which to put in from the sea
except Sicily, and that without the supplies bought there it
could not go on to Libya. Therefore thou art indebted to us for
the chief cause of thy victory; for the one who provides a
solution for a difficult situation is justly entitled also to the
credit for the results which flow from his help. And what could
be sweeter for a man, O Emperor, than gaining the mastery over
his enemies? And yet in our case the outcome is that we suffer no
slight disadvantage, in that we do not, in accordance with the
custom of war, enjoy our share of the spoils. And now thou art
also claiming the right to despoil us of Lilybaeum in Sicily,
which has belonged to the Goths from ancient times, a lone rock,
O Emperor, worth not so much as a piece of silver, which, had it
happened to belong to thy kingdom from ancient times, thou
mightest in equity at least have granted to Atalaric as a reward
for his services, since he lent thee assistance in the times of
thy most pressing necessity." Such was the message which Amalasuntha wrote
openly to the emperor; but [33]secretly she agreed to put
the whole of Italy into his hands. And the envoys, returning to Byzantium, reported
everything to the Emperor Justinian, Alexander telling him the
course which had been decided upon by Amalasuntha, and Demetrius
and Hypatius all that they had heard Theodatus say, adding that
Theodatus enjoyed great power in Tuscany, where he had become
owner of the most of the land and consequently would be able with
no trouble at all to carry his agreement into effect. And the emperor, overjoyed at this
situation, immediately sent to Italy Peter, an Illyrian by birth,
but a citizen of Thessalonica, a man who was one of the trained
speakers in Byzantium, a discreet and gentle person withal and
fitted by nature to persuade men.
FOOTNOTES:
[11] Book IV. v.
11 ff.
[12] Near modern
Mitrowitz.
[13] Cf. Book
III. xiv. 5, 6.
IV
But while these things were
going on as I have explained, Theodatus was denounced before
Amalasuntha by many Tuscans, who stated that he had done violence
to all the people of Tuscany and had without cause seized their
estates, taking not only all private estates but especially those
belonging to the royal household, which the Romans are accustomed
to call "patrimonium." For this
reason the woman called Theodatus to an investigation, and when,
being confronted by his denouncers, he had been proved guilty
without any question, she compelled him to pay back everything
which he had wrongfully seized and then dismissed him. And since
in this way she had given the greatest offence to the man, from
that time she was on hostile terms with him, [35]exceedingly vexed as he was by reason of
his fondness for money, because he was unable to continue his
unlawful and violent practices.
Oct. 10, 534 a.d.
At about this same time
Atalaric, being quite wasted away by the disease, came to his
end, having lived eight years in office. As for Amalasuntha,
since it was fated that she should fare ill, she took no account
of the nature of Theodatus and of what she had recently done to
him, and supposed that she would suffer no unpleasant treatment
at his hands if she should do the man some rather unusual favour.
She accordingly summoned him,
and when he came, set out to cajole him, saying that for some
time she had known well that it was to be expected that her son
would soon die; for she had heard the opinion of all the
physicians, who agreed in their judgment, and had herself
perceived that the body of Atalaric continued to waste away.
And since she saw that both
Goths and Italians had an unfavourable opinion regarding
Theodatus, who had now come to represent the race of Theoderic,
she had conceived the desire to clear him of this evil name, in
order that it might not stand in his way if he were called to the
throne. But at the same time, she explained, the question of
justice disturbed her, at the thought that those who claimed to
have been wronged by him already should find that they had no one
to whom they might report what had befallen them, but that they
now had their enemy as their master. For these reasons, then,
although she invited him to the throne after his name should have
been cleared in this way, yet it was necessary, she said, that he
should be bound by the most solemn oaths that while the title of
the office should [37]be conferred upon Theodatus, she herself
should in fact hold the power no less than before. When Theodatus heard this, although he
swore to all the conditions which Amalasuntha wished, he entered
into the agreement with treacherous intent, remembering all that
she had previously done to him. Thus Amalasuntha, being deceived by her own
judgment and the oaths of Theodatus, established him in the
office. And sending some Goths
as envoys to Byzantium, she made this known to the Emperor
Justinian.
But Theodatus, upon receiving the supreme power, began to act
in all things contrary to the hopes she had entertained and to
the promises he had made. And
after winning the adherence of the relatives of the Goths who had
been slain by her—and they were both numerous and men of
very high standing among the Goths—he suddenly put to death
some of the connections of Amalasuntha and imprisoned her, the
envoys not having as yet reached Byzantium. Now there is a certain lake in Tuscany called
Vulsina,[14] within which rises an
island,[15] exceedingly small but
having a strong fortress upon it. There Theodatus confined
Amalasuntha and kept her under guard. Apr.
30, 535 a.d. But fearing that
by this act he had given offence to the emperor, as actually
proved to be the case, he sent some men of the Roman senate,
Liberius and Opilio and certain others, directing them to excuse
his conduct to the emperor with all their power by assuring him
that Amalasuntha had met with no harsh treatment at his hands,
although [39]she had perpetrated irreparable outrages
upon him before. And he himself wrote in this sense to
the emperor, and also compelled Amalasuntha, much against her
will, to write the same thing.
Such was the course of
these events. But Peter had
already been despatched by the emperor on an embassy to Italy
with instructions to meet Theodatus without the knowledge of any
others, and after Theodatus had given pledges by an oath that
none of their dealings should be divulged, he was then to make a
secure settlement with him regarding Tuscany; and meeting
Amalasuntha stealthily he was to make such an arrangement with
her regarding the whole of Italy as would be to the profit of
either party. But openly his
mission was to negotiate with regard to Lilybaeum and the other
matters which I have lately mentioned. For as yet the emperor had
heard nothing about the death of Atalaric or the succession of
Theodatus to the throne, or the fate which had befallen
Amalasuntha. And Peter was
already on his way when he met the envoys of Amalasuntha and
learned, in the first place, that Theodatus had come to the
throne; and a little later,
upon reaching the city of Aulon,[16] which lies on the Ionian Gulf, he met there
the company of Liberius and Opilio, and learned everything which
had taken place, and reporting this to the emperor he remained
there.
And when the Emperor
Justinian heard these things, he formed the purpose of throwing
the Goths and Theodatus into confusion; accordingly he wrote
[41]a letter to Amalasuntha, stating that he
was eager to give her every possible support, and at the same
time he directed Peter by no means to conceal this message, but
to make it known to Theodatus himself and to all the Goths.
And when the envoys from Italy
arrived in Byzantium, they all, with a single exception, reported
the whole matter to the emperor, and especially Liberius;
for he was a man unusually
upright and honourable, and one who knew well how to shew regard
for the truth; but Opilio alone declared with the greatest
persistence that Theodatus had committed no offence against
Amalasuntha. Now when Peter
arrived in Italy, it so happened that Amalasuntha had been
removed from among men. For
the relatives of the Goths who had been slain by her came before
Theodatus declaring that neither his life nor theirs was secure
unless Amalasuntha should be put out of their way as quickly as
possible. And as soon as he
gave in to them, they went to the island and killed
Amalasuntha,—an act
which grieved exceedingly all the Italians and the Goths as well.
For the woman had the
strictest regard for every kind of virtue, as has been stated by
me a little earlier.[17] Now Peter
protested openly[18] to Theodatus and the other Goths that because
this base deed had been committed by them, there would be war
without truce between the emperor and themselves. But Theodatus, such was his stupid
folly, while still holding the slayers of Amalasuntha in honour
and favour kept trying to persuade Peter and the [43]emperor
that this unholy deed had been committed by the Goths by no means
with his approval, but decidedly against his will.
FOOTNOTES:
[14] Modern
Bolsena.
[15] Marta; "now
entirely uninhabited, but with a few steps cut in the rock which
are said to have led to the prison of
Amalasuntha."—Hodgkin.
[16] Modern
Avlona in Albania.
[17] Chap.
ii. 3.
[18] See
Gibbon's note (chap. xli.), amplified in Bury's edition, Vol. IV.
p. 304, for additional light on the part played by Justinian and
Peter in this affair.
V
Meanwhile it happened that
Belisarius had distinguished himself by the defeat of Gelimer and
the Vandals. And the emperor, upon
learning what had befallen Amalasuntha, immediately entered upon
the war, being in the ninth year of his reign. And he first commanded Mundus, the general of
Illyricum, to go to Dalmatia, which was subject to the Goths, and
make trial of Salones.[19] Now Mundus was by birth a barbarian, but
exceedingly loyal to the cause of the emperor and an able
warrior. Then he sent Belisarius by sea with four thousand
soldiers from the regular troops and the foederati,[20] and about three
thousand of the Isaurians. And the commanders were men of note:
Constantinus and Bessas from the land of Thrace, and Peranius
from Iberia[21] which is hard by Media, a man who was by
birth a member of the royal family of the Iberians, but had
before this time come as a deserter to the Romans through enmity
toward the Persians; and the levies of cavalry were commanded by
Valentinus, Magnus, and Innocentius, and the infantry by
Herodian, Paulus, Demetrius, and Ursicinus, while the leader of
the Isaurians was Ennes. And there
were also two hundred Huns as [45]allies and three hundred
Moors. But the general in supreme command over all was
Belisarius, and he had with him many notable men as spearmen and
guards. And he was accompanied
also by Photius, the son of his wife Antonina by a previous
marriage; he was still a young man wearing his first beard, but
possessed the greatest discretion and shewed a strength of
character beyond his years. And
the emperor instructed Belisarius to give out that his
destination was Carthage, but as soon as they should arrive at
Sicily, they were to disembark there as it obliged for some
reason to do so, and make trial of the island. And if it should be possible to reduce it to
subjection without any trouble, they were to take possession and
not let it go again; but if they should meet with any obstacle,
they were to sail with all speed to Libya, giving no one an
opportunity to perceive what their intention was.
And he also sent a letter to
the leaders of the Franks as follows: "The Goths, having seized
by violence Italy, which was ours, have not only refused
absolutely to give it back, but have committed further acts of
injustice against us which are unendurable and pass beyond all
bounds. For this reason we have
been compelled to take the field against them, and it is proper
that you should join with us in waging this war, which is
rendered yours as well as ours not only by the orthodox faith,
which rejects the opinion of the Arians, but also by the enmity
we both feel toward the Goths." Such was the emperor's letter;
and making a gift of money to them, he agreed to give more as
soon as they should take an active part. And they with all zeal
promised to fight in alliance with him.[47]
Now Mundus and the army under
his command entered Dalmatia, and engaging with the Goths who
encountered them there, defeated them in the battle and took
possession of Salones. As for
Belisarius, he put in at Sicily and took Catana. And making that place his base of operations, he
took over Syracuse and the other cities by surrender without any
trouble; except, indeed, that the Goths who were keeping guard in
Panormus,[22] having confidence in the fortifications of
the place, which was a strong one, were quite unwilling to yield
to Belisarius and ordered him to lead his army away from there
with all speed. But Belisarius, considering that it was
impossible to capture the place from the landward side, ordered
the fleet to sail into the harbour, which extended right up to
the wall. For it was outside the circuit-wall and entirely
without defenders. Now when the ships had anchored there, it was
seen that the masts were higher than the parapet. Straightway,
therefore, he filled all the small boats of the ships with bowmen
and hoisted them to the tops of the masts. And when from these
boats the enemy were shot at from above, they fell into such an
irresistible fear that they immediately delivered Panormus to
Belisarius by surrender. As a
result of this the emperor held all Sicily subject and tributary
to himself. And at that time it so happened that there fell to
Belisarius a piece of good fortune beyond the power of words to
describe. For, having received
the dignity of the consulship because of his victory over the
Vandals, while he was still holding this honour, and after he had
won the whole of Sicily, on the last day of Dec. 31, 535 a.d.[49] his consulship, he marched into
Syracuse, loudly applauded by the army and by the Sicilians and
throwing golden coins to all. This coincidence, however, was not intentionally
arranged by him, but it was a happy chance which befell the man,
that after having recovered the whole of the island for the
Romans he marched into Syracuse on that particular day; and so it
was not in the senate house in Byzantium, as was customary, but
there that he laid down the office of the consuls and so became
an ex-consul. Thus, then, did good fortune attend Belisarius.
FOOTNOTES:
[19] Or Salona,
near modern Spalato.
[20]
Auxiliaries; see Book III. xi. 3, 4, and note.
[21]
Corresponding roughly to modern Georgia, just south of the
Caucasus.
[22] Modern
Palermo.
VI
And when Peter learned of the
conquest of Sicily, he was still more insistent in his efforts to
frighten Theodatus and would not let him go. But he, turning coward and reduced to speechlessness
no less than if he himself had become a captive with
Gelimer,[23] entered into
negotiations with Peter without the knowledge of any others, and
between them they formed an agreement, providing that Theodatus
should retire from all Sicily in favour of the Emperor Justinian,
and should send him also a golden crown every year weighing three
hundred litrae,[24] and Gothic warriors to the number of three
thousand whenever he should wish; and that Theodatus himself
should have no authority to kill any priest or senator, or to
confiscate his property for the public treasury except by the
decision of the emperor; and
[51]that if Theodatus wished to advance any
of his subjects to the patrician or some other senatorial rank
this honour should not be bestowed by him, but he should ask the
emperor to bestow it; and that the Roman populace, in acclaiming
their sovereign, should always shout the name of the emperor
first, and afterward that of Theodatus, both in the theatres and
in the hippodromes and wherever else it should be necessary for
such a thing to be done; furthermore, that no statue of bronze
nor of any other material should ever be set up to Theodatus
alone, but statues must always be made for both, and they must
stand thus: on the right that of the emperor, and on the other
side that of Theodatus. And after Theodatus had written in
confirmation of this agreement he dismissed the ambassador.
But, a little later, terror
laid hold upon the man's soul and brought him into fears which
knew no bound and tortured his mind, filling him with dread at
the name of war, and reminding him that if the agreement drawn up
by Peter and himself did not please the emperor at all, war would
straightway come upon him. Once
more, therefore, he summoned Peter, who had already reached
Albani,[25] for a secret
conference, and enquired of the man whether he thought that the
agreement would be pleasing to the emperor. And he replied that
he supposed it would. "But if," said Theodatus, "these things do
not please the man at all, what will happen then?" And Peter
replied "After that you will have to wage war, most noble Sir."
"But what is this," he said; "is it just, my dear ambassador?"
And Peter, immediately taking him up, said "And how is it not
just, my good Sir, that [53]the pursuits appropriate to each
man's nature should be preserved?" "What, pray, may this mean?"
asked Theodatus. "It means," was the reply, "that your great
interest is to philosophize, while Justinian's is to be a worthy
emperor of the Romans. And
there is this difference, that for one who has practised
philosophy it would never be seemly to bring about the death of
men, especially in such great numbers, and it should be added
that this view accords with the teachings of Plato, which you
have evidently espoused, and hence it is unholy for you not to be
free from all bloodshed; but for him it is not at all
inappropriate to seek to acquire a land which has belonged from
of old to the realm which is his own." Thereupon Theodatus, being
convinced by this advice, agreed to retire from the kingship in
favour of the Emperor Justinian, and both he and his wife took an
oath to this effect. He then bound Peter by oaths that he would
not divulge this agreement until he should see that the emperor
would not accept the former convention. And he sent with him Rusticus, a priest who was
especially devoted to him and a Roman citizen, to negotiate on
the basis of this agreement. And he also entrusted a letter to
these men.
So Peter and Rusticus, upon
reaching Byzantium, reported the first decision to the emperor,
just as Theodatus had directed them to do. But when the emperor
was quite unwilling to accept the proposal, they revealed the
plan which had been committed to writing afterwards. This was to
the following effect:[55] "I am no stranger to royal courts, but
it was my fortune to have been born in the house of my uncle
while he was king and to have been reared in a manner worthy of
my race; and yet I have had little experience of wars and of the
turmoils which wars entail. For since from my earliest years I
have been passionately addicted to scholarly disputations and
have always devoted my time to this sort of thing, I have
consequently been up to the present time very far removed from
the confusion of battles. Therefore it is utterly absurd that I
should aspire to the honours which royalty confers and thus lead
a life fraught with danger, when it is possible for me to avoid
them both. For neither one of these is a pleasure to me; the
first, because it is liable to satiety, for it is a surfeit of
all sweet things, and the second, because lack of familiarity
with such a life throws one into confusion. But as for me, if estates should be provided me
which yielded an annual income of no less than twelve
centenaria,[26] I should regard the kingdom as of less
account than them, and I shall hand over to thee forthwith the
power of the Goths and Italians. For I should find more pleasure
in being a farmer free from all cares than in passing my life
amid a king's anxieties, attended as they are by danger after
danger. Pray send a man as quickly as possible into whose hands I
may fittingly deliver Italy and the affairs of the kingdom."
Such was the purport of the letter of Theodatus. And the emperor, being exceedingly
pleased, replied as follows: "From of old have I heard by report
that you were a man of discretion, but now, taught by experience,
I know it by the decision you have reached [57]not to
await the issue of the war. For certain men who in the past have
followed such a course have been completely undone. And you will
never repent having made us friends instead of enemies. But you
will not only have this that you ask at our hands, but you will
also have the distinction of being enrolled in the highest
honours of the Romans. Now for
the present I have sent Athanasius and Peter, so that each party
may have surety by some agreement. And almost immediately
Belisarius also will visit you to complete all the arrangements
which have been agreed upon between us." After writing this the emperor sent Athanasius, the
brother of Alexander, who had previously gone on an embassy to
Atalaric, as has been said,[27] and for the second time Peter the orator,
whom I have mentioned above,[28] enjoining upon them to assign to Theodatus
the estates of the royal household, which they call
"patrimonium"; and not until after they had drawn up a written
document and had secured oaths to fortify the agreement were they
to summon Belisarius from Sicily, in order that he might take
over the palace and all Italy and hold them under guard. And he wrote to Belisarius that as
soon as they should summon him he should go thither with all
speed.
FOOTNOTES:
[23] The
captivity of Gelimer is described in Book IV. vii. 12-17; ix.
11-14.
[24] At present
values "worth about £12,000."—Hodgkin.
[25] Modern
Albano; on the Appian Way. Cf. Book VI. iv.
8.
[26] See Book I.
xxii. 4; III. vi. 2, note.
[27] Chap.
iii. 13.
[28] Chap.
iii. 30, iv. 17
ff.
VII
But meantime, while the
emperor was engaged in these negotiations and these envoys were
travelling to Italy, the Goths, under command of Asinarius and
Gripas and some others, had come with a great army into Dalmatia.
And when they had reached the
[59]neighbourhood of Salones, Mauricius, the
son of Mundus, who was not marching out for battle but, with a
few men, was on a scouting expedition, encountered them. A violent engagement ensued in which
the Goths lost their foremost and noblest men, but the Romans
almost their whole company, including their general Mauricius.
And when Mundus heard of this,
being overcome with grief at the misfortune and by this time
dominated by a mighty fury, he went against the enemy without the
least delay and regardless of order. The battle which took place was stubbornly
contested, and the result was a Cadmean victory[29] for the Romans. For
although the most of the enemy fell there and their rout had been
decisive, Mundus, who went on killing and following up the enemy
wherever he chanced to find them and was quite unable to restrain
his mind because of the misfortune of his son, was wounded by
some fugitive or other and fell. Thereupon the pursuit ended and
the two armies separated. And
at that time the Romans recalled the verse of the Sibyl, which
had been pronounced in earlier times and seemed to them a
portent. For the words of the
saying were that when Africa should be held, the "world" would
perish together with its offspring. This, however, was not the
real meaning of the oracle, but after intimating that Libya would
be once more subject to the Romans, it added this statement also,
that when that time came Mundus would perish together with his
son. For it runs as follows: "Africa capta Mundus cum nato
peribit."[30] But since "mundus" in the Latin tongue has
the force of "world," they thought [61]that the saying had
reference to the world. So much, then, for this. As for Salones,
it was not entered by anyone. For the Romans went back home, since they were
left altogether without a commander, and the Goths, seeing that
not one of their nobles was left them, fell into fear and took
possession of the strongholds in the neighbourhood; for they had
no confidence in the defences of Salones, and, besides, the
Romans who lived there were not very well disposed towards
them.
When Theodatus heard
this, he took no account of the envoys who by now had come to
him. For he was by nature much given to distrust, and he by no
means kept his mind steadfast, but the present fortune always
reduced him now to a state of terror which knew no measure, and
this contrary to reason and the proper understanding of the
situation, and again brought him to the opposite extreme of
unspeakable boldness. And so
at that time, when he heard of the death of Mundus and Mauricius,
he was lifted up exceedingly and in a manner altogether
unjustified by what had happened, and he saw fit to taunt the
envoys when they at length appeared before him. And when Peter on one occasion
remonstrated with him because he had transgressed his agreement
with the emperor, Theodatus called both of them publicly and
spoke as follows: "The position of envoys is a proud one and in
general has come to be held in honour among all men; but envoys
preserve for themselves these their prerogatives only so long as
they guard the dignity of their embassy by the propriety of their
own conduct. For men have
sanctioned as just the killing of an envoy whenever he is either
found to have insulted a [63]sovereign or has had knowledge of a
woman who is the wife of another." Such were the words with which
Theodatus inveighed against Peter, not because he had approached
a woman, but, apparently, in order to make good his claim that
there were charges which might lead to the death of an
ambassador. But the envoys
replied as follows: "The facts are not, O Ruler of the Goths, as
thou hast stated them, nor canst thou, under cover of flimsy
pretexts, wantonly perpetrate unholy deeds upon men who are
envoys. For it is not possible for an ambassador, even if he
wishes it, to become an adulterer, since it is not easy for him
even to partake of water except by the will of those who guard
him. And as for the proposals which he has received from the lips
of him who has sent him and then delivers, he himself cannot
reasonably incur the blame which arises from them, in case they
be not good, but he who has given the command would justly bear
this charge, while the sole responsibility of the ambassador is
to have discharged his mission. We, therefore, shall say all that
we were instructed by the emperor to say when we were sent, and
do thou hear us quietly; for if thou art stirred to excitement,
all thou canst do will be to wrong men who are ambassadors. It is
time, therefore, for thee of thine own free will to perform all
that thou didst promise the emperor. This, indeed, is the purpose
for which we have come. And the letter which he wrote to thee
thou hast already received, but as for the writing which he sent
to the foremost of the Goths, to no others shall we give it than
to them." When the leading men of the barbarians, who were
present, heard this speech of the envoys, they bade [65]them give
to Theodatus what had been written to them. And it ran as follows: "It has been the object
of our care to receive you back into our state, whereat you may
well be pleased. For you will come to us, not in order to be made
of less consequence, but that you may be more honoured. And,
besides, we are not bidding the Goths enter into strange or alien
customs, but into those of a people with whom you were once
familiar, though you have by chance been separated from them for
a season. For these reasons
Athanasius and Peter have been sent to you, and you ought to
assist them in all things." Such was the purport of this letter. But after
Theodatus had read everything, he not only decided not to perform
in deed the promises he had made to the emperor, but also put the
envoys under a strict guard.
But when the Emperor
Justinian heard these things and what had taken place in
Dalmatia, he sent Constantianus, who commanded the royal grooms,
into Illyricum, bidding him gather an army from there and make an
attempt on Salones, in whatever manner he might be able; and he commanded Belisarius to enter
Italy with all speed and to treat the Goths as enemies. So Constantianus came to Epidamnus
and spent some time there gathering an army. But in the meantime
the Goths, under the leadership of Gripas, came with another army
into Dalmatia and took possession of Salones; and Constantianus,
when all his preparations were as complete as possible, departed
from Epidamnus with his whole force and cast anchor at
Epidaurus[31] which is on the right as [67]one sails
into the Ionian Gulf. Now it so happened that some men were there
whom Gripas had sent out as spies. And when they took note of the
ships and the army of Constantianus it seemed to them that both
the sea and the whole land were full of soldiers, and returning
to Gripas they declared that Constantianus was bringing against
them an army of men numbering many tens of thousands. And he, being plunged into great
fear, thought it inexpedient to meet their attack, and at the
same time he was quite unwilling to be besieged by the emperor's
army, since it so completely commanded the sea; but he was
disturbed most of all by the fortifications of Salones (since the
greater part of them had already fallen down), and by the
exceedingly suspicious attitude on the part of the inhabitants of
the place toward the Goths. And for this reason he departed
thence with his whole army as quickly as possible and made camp
in the plain which is between Salones and the city of
Scardon.[32] And Constantianus, sailing with all his ships
from Epidaurus, put in at Lysina,[33] which is an island in the gulf. Thence he
sent forward some of his men, in order that they might make
enquiry concerning the plans of Gripas and report them to him.
Then, after learning from
them the whole situation, he sailed straight for Salones with all
speed. And when he had put in at a place close to the city, he
disembarked his army on the mainland and himself remained quiet
there; but he selected five
hundred from the army, and setting over them as commander
Siphilas, one of his own bodyguards, he commanded them to seize
the narrow pass[34] which, as he had been informed, was in the
[69]outskirts of the city. And this Siphilas
did. And Constantianus and his whole land army entered Salones on
the following day, and the fleet anchored close by. Then Constantianus proceeded to look
after the fortifications of the city, building up in haste all
such parts of them as had fallen down; and Gripas, with the
Gothic army, on the seventh day after the Romans had taken
possession of Salones, departed from there and betook themselves
to Ravenna; and thus Constantianus gained possession of all
Dalmatia and Liburnia, bringing over to his side all the Goths
who were settled there. Such were the events in Dalmatia.
And the winter drew to a
close, and thus ended the first year of this war, the history of
which Procopius has written.
FOOTNOTES:
[29] Proverbial
for a victory in which the victor is slain; probably from the
story of the Theban, or "Cadmean," heroes Eteocles and
Polynices.
[30] See Bury's
edition of Gibbon, Vol. IV. App. 15, for a discussion of this
oracle.
[31] Modern
Ragusa Vecchia.
[32] Near
Sebenico.
[33] Modern
Lesina.
[34] An
important approach to the city from the west.
VIII
And Belisarius, leaving
guards in Syracuse and Panormus, crossed with the rest of the
army from Messana to Rhegium (where the myths of the poets say
Scylla and Charybdis were), and every day the people of that
region kept coming over to him. For since their towns had from of
old been without walls, they had no means at all of guarding
them, and because of their hostility toward the Goths they were,
as was natural, greatly dissatisfied with their present
government. And Ebrimous
came over to Belisarius as a deserter from the Goths, together
with all his followers; this man was the son-in-law of Theodatus,
being married to Theodenanthe, his daughter. And [71]he was
straightway sent to the emperor and received many gifts of honour
and in particular attained the patrician dignity. And the army of Belisarius marched
from Rhegium through Bruttium and Lucania, and the fleet of ships
accompanied it, sailing close to the mainland. But when they reached Campania, they came upon
a city on the sea, Naples by name, which was strong not only
because of the nature of its site, but also because it contained
a numerous garrison of Goths. And Belisarius commanded the ships
to anchor in the harbour, which was beyond the range of missiles,
while he himself made his camp near the city. He then first took possession by surrender of
the fort which is in the suburb, and afterwards permitted the
inhabitants of the city at their own request to send some of
their notables into his camp, in order that they might tell what
their wish was and, after receiving his reply, report to the
populace. Straightway,
therefore, the Neapolitans sent Stephanus. And he, upon coming
before Belisarius, spoke as follows:
"You are not acting justly, O general, in taking the field
against men who are Romans and have done no wrong, who inhabit
but a small city and have over us a guard of barbarians as
masters, so that it does not even lie in our power, if we desire
to do so, to oppose them. But it so happens that even these guards had to
leave their wives and children, and their most precious
possessions in the hands of Theodatus before they came to keep
guard over us. Therefore, if they treat with you at all, they
will plainly be betraying, not the city, but
themselves.[73] And if one must speak the truth with no
concealment, you have not counselled to your advantage, either,
in coming against us. For if you capture Rome, Naples will be
subject to you without any further trouble, whereas if you are
repulsed from there, it is probable that you will not be able to
hold even this city securely. Consequently the time you spend on
this siege will be spent to no purpose."
So spoke Stephanus. And Belisarius replied as follows:
"Whether we have acted wisely or foolishly in coming here is
not a question which we propose to submit to the Neapolitans. But
we desire that you first weigh carefully such matters as are
appropriate to your deliberations and then act solely in
accordance with your own interests. Receive into your city,
therefore, the emperor's army, which has come to secure your
freedom and that of the other Italians, and do not choose the
course which will bring upon you the most grievous misfortunes.
For those who, in order to rid themselves of slavery or any other
shameful thing, go into war, such men, if they fare well in the
struggle, have double good fortune, because along with their
victory they have also acquired freedom from their troubles, and
if defeated they gain some consolation for themselves, in that,
they have not of their own free will chosen to follow the worse
fortune. But as for those who have the opportunity to be free
without fighting, but yet enter into a struggle in order to make
their condition of slavery permanent, such men, even if it so
happens that they conquer, have failed in the most vital point,
and if in the battle they fare less happily than they wished,
they will have, along with their general ill-[75]fortune,
also the calamity of defeat. As for the Neapolitans, then, let
these words suffice. But as for these Goths who are present, we
give them the choice, either to array themselves hereafter on our
side under the great emperor, or to go to their homes altogether
immune from harm. Because, if both you and they, disregarding all
these considerations, dare to raise arms against us, it will be
necessary for us also, if God so wills, to treat whomever we meet
as an enemy. If, however,
it is the will of the Neapolitans to choose the cause of the
emperor and thus to be rid of so cruel a slavery, I take it upon
myself, giving you pledges, to promise that you will receive at
our hands those benefits which the Sicilians lately hoped for,
and with regard to which they were unable to say that we had
sworn falsely."
Such was the message
which Belisarius bade Stephanus take back to the people. But
privately he promised him large rewards if he should inspire the
Neapolitans with good-will toward the emperor. And Stephanus, upon coming into
the city, reported the words of Belisarius and expressed his own
opinion that it was inexpedient to fight against the emperor.
And he was assisted in his
efforts by Antiochus, a man of Syria, but long resident in Naples
for the purpose of carrying on a shipping business, who had a
great reputation there for wisdom and justice. But there were two men, Pastor and
Asclepiodotus, trained speakers and very notable men among the
Neapolitans, who were exceedingly friendly toward the Goths, and
quite unwilling to have any change made in the present state of
affairs. These two men, planning how they might block the
negotiations, induced the multitude to demand many serious
[77]concessions, and to try to force
Belisarius to promise on oath that they should forthwith obtain
what they asked for. And after writing down in a document such
demands as nobody would have supposed that Belisarius would
accept, they gave it to Stephanus. And he, returning to the emperor's army, shewed
the writing to the general, and enquired of him whether he was
willing to carry out all the proposals which the Neapolitans made
and to take an oath concerning them. And Belisarius promised that
they should all be fulfilled for them and so sent him back. Now
when the Neapolitans heard this, they were in favour of accepting
the general's assurances at once and began to urge that the
emperor's army be received into the city with all speed. For he declared that nothing
unpleasant would befall them, if the case of the Sicilians was
sufficient evidence for anyone to judge by, since, as he pointed
out, it had only recently been their lot, after they had
exchanged their barbarian tyrants for the sovereignty of
Justinian, to be, not only free men, but also immune from all
difficulties. And swayed by great excitement they were about to
go to the gates with the purpose of throwing them open. And
though the Goths were not pleased with what they were doing,
still, since they were unable to prevent it, they stood out of
the way.
But Pastor and
Asclepiodotus called together the people and all the Goths in one
place, and spoke as follows: "It is not at all unnatural that the
populace of a city should abandon themselves and their own
safety, especially if, without consulting any of their notables,
they make an independent decision regarding their all. But it is
necessary for us, who are on [79]the very point of perishing
together with you, to offer as a last contribution to the
fatherland this advice. We see, then, fellow citizens, that you
are intent upon betraying both yourselves and the city to
Belisarius, who promises to confer many benefits upon you and to
swear the most solemn oaths in confirmation of his promises. Now
if he is able to promise you this also, that to him will come the
victory in the war, no one could deny that the course you are
taking is to your advantage. For it is great folly not to gratify
every whim of him who is to become master. But if this outcome
lies in uncertainty, and no man in the world is competent to
guarantee the decision of fortune, consider what sort of
misfortunes your haste is seeking to attain. For if the Goths
overcome their adversaries in the war, they will punish you as
enemies and as having done them the foulest wrong. For you are
resorting to this act of treason, not under constraint of
necessity, but out of deliberate cowardice. So that even to
Belisarius, if he wins the victory over his enemies, we shall
perhaps appear faithless and betrayers of our rulers, and having
proved ourselves deserters, we shall in all probability have a
guard set over us permanently by the emperor. For though he who
has found a traitor is pleased at the moment of victory by the
service rendered, yet afterwards, moved by suspicion based upon
the traitor's past, he hates and fears his benefactor, since he
himself has in his own possession the evidences of the other's
faithlessness. If, however, we shew ourselves faithful to the
Goths at the present time, manfully submitting to the danger,
they will give us great rewards in case they win [81]the
mastery over the enemy, and Belisarius, if it should so happen
that he is the victor, will be prone to forgive. For loyalty
which fails is punished by no man unless he be lacking in
understanding. But what has happened to you that you are in
terror of being besieged by the enemy, you who have no lack of
provisions, have not been deprived by blockade of any of the
necessities of life, and hence may sit at home, confident in the
fortifications and in your garrison here?[35] And in our opinion even Belisarius would not
have consented to this agreement with us if he had any hope of
capturing the city by force. And yet if what he desired were that
which is just and that which will be to our advantage, he ought
not to be trying to frighten the Neapolitans or to establish his
own power by means of an act of injustice on our part toward the
Goths; but he should do battle with Theodatus and the Goths, so
that without danger to us or treason on our part the city might
come into the power of the victors."
When they had finished
speaking, Pastor and Asclepiodotus brought forward the Jews, who
promised that the city should be in want of none of the
necessities, and the Goths on their part promised that they would
guard the circuit-wall safely. And the Neapolitans, moved by
these arguments, bade Belisarius depart thence with all speed.
He, however, began the
siege. And he made many
attempts upon the circuit-wall, but was always repulsed, losing
many of his soldiers, and especially those who laid some claim to
valour. For the wall of
Naples was inaccessible, on one side by reason of the sea, and on
the other [83]because of some difficult country, and
those who planned to attack it could gain entrance at no point,
not only because of its general situation, but also because the
ground sloped steeply. However, Belisarius cut the aqueduct which
brought water into the city; but he did not in this way seriously
disturb the Neapolitans, since there were wells inside the
circuit-wall which sufficed for their needs and kept them from
feeling too keenly the loss of the aqueduct.
FOOTNOTE:
[35] i.e.
the Goths; cf. § 5 above.
IX
So the besieged, without the
knowledge of the enemy, sent to Theodatus in Rome begging him to
come to their help with all speed. But Theodatus was not making
the least preparation for war, being by nature unmanly, as has
been said before.[36] And they say
that something else happened to him, which terrified him
exceedingly and reduced him to still greater anxiety. I, for my
part, do not credit this report, but even so it shall be told.
Theodatus even before this time
had been prone to make enquiries of those who professed to
foretell the future, and on the present occasion he was at a loss
what to do in the situation which confronted him—a state
which more than anything else is accustomed to drive men to seek
prophecies; so he enquired of one of the Hebrews, who had a great
reputation for prophecy, what sort of an outcome the present war
would have. The Hebrew commanded him to confine three groups of
ten swine each in three huts, and after giving them respectively
the names of Goths, Romans, and the soldiers of the [85]emperor,
to wait quietly for a certain number of days. And Theodatus did
as he was told. And when the appointed day had come, they both
went into the huts and looked at the swine; and they found that
of those which had been given the name of Goths all save two were
dead, whereas all except a few were living of those which had
received the name of the emperor's soldiers; and as for those
which had been called Romans, it so happened that, although the
hair of all of them had fallen out, yet about half of them
survived. When Theodatus beheld
this and divined the outcome of the war, a great fear, they say,
came upon him, since he knew well that it would certainly be the
fate of the Romans to die to half their number and be deprived of
their possessions, but that the Goths would be defeated and their
race reduced to a few, and that to the emperor would come, with
the loss of but a few of his soldiers, the victory in the war.
And for this reason, they say, Theodatus felt no impulse to enter
into a struggle with Belisarius. As for this story, then, let
each one express his views according to the belief or disbelief
which he feels regarding it.
But Belisarius, as he besieged the Neapolitans both by land
and by sea, was beginning to be vexed. For he was coming to think
that they would never yield to him, and, furthermore, he could
not hope that the city would be captured, since he was finding
that the difficulty of its position was proving to be a very
serious obstacle. And the loss of the time which was being spent
there distressed him, for he was making his calculations so as to
avoid being compelled to go against Theodatus and Rome in the
winter season. Indeed he had already even given orders to the
army to pack up, his intention [87]being to depart from there
as quickly as possible. But
while he was in the greatest perplexity, it came to pass that he
met with the following good fortune. One of the Isaurians was seized with the desire to
observe the construction of the aqueduct, and to discover in what
manner it provided the supply of water to the city. So he entered it at a place far
distant from the city, where Belisarius had broken it open, and
proceeded to walk along it, finding no difficulty, since the
water had stopped running because the aqueduct had been broken
open. But when he reached a point near the circuit-wall, he came
upon a large rock, not placed there by the hand of man, but a
part of the natural formation of the place. And those who had
built the aqueduct many years before, after they had attached the
masonry to this rock, proceeded to make a tunnel from that point
on, not sufficiently large, however, for a man to pass through,
but large enough to furnish a passage for the water. And for this
reason it came about that the channel of the aqueduct was not
everywhere of the same breadth, but one was confronted by a
narrow place at that rock, impassable for a man, especially if he
wore armour or carried a shield. And when the Isaurian observed
this, it seemed to him not impossible for the army to penetrate
into the city, if they should make the tunnel at that point
broader by a little. But since
he himself was a humble person, and never had come into
conversation with any of the commanders, he brought the matter
before Paucaris, an Isaurian, who had distinguished himself among
the guards of Belisarius. So Paucaris immediately reported the
whole matter to the general. And Belisarius, being pleased by the report, took
new courage, and by promising to reward [89]the man
with great sums of money induced him to attempt the undertaking,
and commanded him to associate with himself some of the Isaurians
and cut out a passage in the rock as quickly as possible, taking
care to allow no one to become aware of what they were doing.
Paucaris then selected some
Isaurians who were thoroughly suitable for the work, and secretly
got inside the aqueduct with them. And coming to the place where
the rock caused the passage to be narrow, they began their work,
not cutting the rock with picks or mattocks, lest by their blows
they should reveal to the enemy what they were doing, but
scraping it very persistently with sharp instruments of iron. And
in a short time the work was done, so that a man wearing a
corselet and carrying a shield was able to go through at that
point.
But when all his
arrangements were at length in complete readiness, the thought
occurred to Belisarius that if he should by act of war make his
entry into Naples with the army, the result would be that lives
would be lost and that all the other things would happen which
usually attend the capture of a city by an enemy. And straightway summoning Stephanus,
he spoke as follows: "Many times have I witnessed the capture of
cities and I am well acquainted with what takes place at such a
time. For they slay all the men of every age, and as for the
women, though they beg to die, they are not granted the boon of
death, but are carried off for outrage and are made to suffer
treatment that is abominable and most pitiable. And the children,
who are thus deprived of their proper maintenance and education,
are forced to be slaves, and that, too, of the men who are the
most odious of all—those on whose hands [91]they see
the blood of their fathers. And this is not all, my dear
Stephanus, for I make no mention of the conflagration which
destroys all the property and blots out the beauty of the city.
When I see, as in the mirror of the cities which have been
captured in times past, this city of Naples falling victim to
such a fate, I am moved to pity both it and you its inhabitants.
For such means have now been perfected by me against the city
that its capture is inevitable. But I pray that an ancient city, which has for ages
been inhabited by both Christians and Romans, may not meet with
such a fortune, especially at my hands as commander of Roman
troops, not least because in my army are a multitude of
barbarians, who have lost brothers or relatives before the wall
of this town; for the fury of these men I should be unable to
control, if they should capture the city by act of war. While,
therefore, it is still within your power to choose and to put
into effect that which will be to your advantage, adopt the
better course and escape misfortune; for when it falls upon you,
as it probably will, you will not justly blame fortune but your
own judgment." With these
words Belisarius dismissed Stephanus. And he went before the
people of Naples weeping and reporting with bitter lamentations
all that he had heard Belisarius say. But they, since it was not fated that the
Neapolitans should become subjects of the emperor without
chastisement, neither became afraid nor did they decide to yield
to Belisarius.[93]
FOOTNOTE:
[36] Chap.
iii. 1.
X
Then at length Belisarius, on
his part, made his preparations to enter the city as follows.
Selecting at nightfall about four hundred men and appointing as
commander over them Magnus, who led a detachment of cavalry, and
Ennes, the leader of the Isaurians, he commanded them all to put
on their corselets, take in hand their shields and swords, and
remain quiet until he himself should give the signal. And he summoned Bessas[37] and gave him orders
to stay with him, for he wished to consult with him concerning a
certain matter pertaining to the army. And when it was well on in the night, he explained to
Magnus and Ennes the task before them, pointed out the place
where he had previously broken open the aqueduct, and ordered
them to lead the four hundred men into the city, taking lights
with them And he sent with them two men skilled in the use of the
trumpet, so that as soon as they should get inside the
circuit-wall, they might be able both to throw the city into
confusion and to notify their own men what they were doing. And
he himself was holding in readiness a very great number of
ladders which had been constructed previously.
So these men entered the
aqueduct and were proceeding toward the city, while he with
Bessas and Photius[38] remained at his post and with their help was
attending to all details. And he also sent to the camp,
commanding the men to remain awake and to keep their arms in
their hands. At the same time [95]he kept near him a large
force—men whom he considered most courageous. Now of the
men who were on their way to the city above half became terrified
at the danger and turned back. And
since Magnus could not persuade them to follow him, although he
urged them again and again, he returned with them to the general.
And Belisarius, after reviling
these men, selected two hundred of the troops at hand, and
ordered them to go with Magnus. And Photius also, wishing to lead them, leaped into
the channel of the aqueduct, but Belisarius prevented him. Then
those who were fleeing from the danger, put to shame by the
railings of the general and of Photius, took heart to face it
once more and followed with the others. And Belisarius, fearing lest their operations should
be perceived by some of the enemy, who were maintaining a guard
on the tower which happened to be nearest to the aqueduct, went
to that place and commanded Bessas to carry on a conversation in
the Gothic tongue with the barbarians there, his purpose being to
prevent any clanging of the weapons from being audible to them.
And so Bessas shouted to them in
a loud voice, urging the Goths to yield to Belisarius and
promising that they should have many rewards. But they jeered at him, indulging in many insults
directed at both Belisarius and the emperor. Belisarius and
Bessas, then, were thus occupied.
Now the aqueduct of Naples is not only covered until it
reaches the wall, but remains covered as it extends to a great
distance inside the city, being carried on a high arch of baked
brick. Consequently, when the
men under the command of Magnus and Ennes had got inside the
fortifications, they were [97]one and all unable even to conjecture
where in the world they were. Furthermore, they could not leave
the aqueduct at any point until the foremost of them came to a
place where the aqueduct chanced to be without a roof and where
stood a building which had entirely fallen into neglect. Inside
this building a certain woman had her dwelling, living alone with
utter poverty as her only companion; and an olive tree had grown
out over the aqueduct. So when these men saw the sky and
perceived that they were in the midst of the city, they began to
plan how they might get out, but they had no means of leaving the
aqueduct either with or without their arms. For the structure
happened to be very high at that point and, besides, offered no
means of climbing to the top. But as the soldiers were in a state
of great perplexity and were beginning to crowd each other
greatly as they collected there (for already, as the men in the
rear kept coming up, a great throng was beginning to gather), the
thought occurred to one of them to make trial of the ascent. He
immediately therefore laid down his arms, and forcing his way up
with hands and feet, reached the woman's house. And seeing her
there, he threatened to kill her unless she should remain silent.
And she was terror-stricken and remained speechless. He then
fastened to the trunk of the olive tree a strong strap, and threw
the other end of it into the aqueduct. So the soldiers, laying
hold of it one at a time, managed with difficulty to make the
ascent. And after all had come
up and a fourth part of the night still remained, they proceeded
toward the wall; and they slew the garrison of two of the towers
before the men in them [99]had an inkling of the trouble. These
towers were on the northern portion of the circuit-wall, where
Belisarius was stationed with Bessas and Photius, anxiously
awaiting the progress of events. So while the trumpeters were summoning the army to
the wall, Belisarius was placing the ladders against the
fortifications and commanding the soldiers to mount them. But it
so happened that not one of the ladders reached as far as the
parapet. For since the workmen had not made them in sight of the
wall, they had not been able to arrive at the proper measure. For
this reason they bound two together, and it was only by using
both of them for the ascent that the soldiers got above the level
of the parapet. Such was the progress of these events where
Belisarius was engaged.
But on the side of the
circuit-wall which faces the sea, where the forces on guard were
not barbarians, but Jews, the soldiers were unable either to use
the ladders or to scale the wall. For the Jews had already given
offence to their enemy by having opposed their efforts to capture
the city without a fight, and for this reason they had no hope if
they should fall into their hands; so they kept fighting
stubbornly, although they could see that the city had already
been captured, and held out beyond all expectation against the
assaults of their opponents. But
when day came and some of those who had mounted the wall marched
against them, then at last they also, now that they were being
shot at from behind, took to flight, and Naples was captured by
storm. By this time the gates were thrown open and the whole
Roman army came in. 536 a.d.But those who were stationed
[101]about the gates which fronted the
east, since, as it happened, they had no ladders at hand, set
fire to these gates, which were altogether unguarded; for that
part of the wall had been deserted, the guards having taken to
flight. And then a great
slaughter took place; for all of them were possessed with fury,
especially those who had chanced to have a brother or other
relative slain in the fighting at the wall. And they kept killing all whom they encountered,
sparing neither old nor young, and dashing into the houses they
made slaves of the women and children and secured the valuables
as plunder; and in this the Massagetae outdid all the rest, for
they did not even withhold their hand from the sanctuaries, but
slew many of those who had taken refuge in them, until
Belisarius, visiting every part of the city, put a stop to this,
and calling all together, spoke as follows:
"Inasmuch as God has given us the victory and has permitted us
to attain the greatest height of glory, by putting under our hand
a city which has never been captured before, it behooves us on
our part to shew ourselves not unworthy of His grace, but by our
humane treatment of the vanquished, to make it plain that we have
conquered these men justly. Do
not, therefore, hate the Neapolitans with a boundless hatred, and
do not allow your hostility toward them to continue beyond the
limits of the war. For when men have been vanquished, their
victors never hate them any longer. And by killing them you will
not be ridding yourselves of enemies for the future, but you will
be suffering a loss through the death of your subjects.
Therefore, do these men no further harm, nor continue to give
[103]way wholly to anger. For it is a
disgrace to prevail over the enemy and then to shew yourselves
vanquished by passion. So let all the possessions of these men
suffice for you as the rewards of your valour, but let their
wives, together with the children, be given back to the men. And
let the conquered learn by experience what kind of friends they
have forfeited by reason of foolish counsel."
After speaking thus, Belisarius released to the Neapolitans
their women and children and the slaves, one and all, no insult
having been experienced by them, and he reconciled the soldiers
to the citizens. And thus it came to pass for the Neapolitans
that on that day they both became captives and regained their
liberty, and that they recovered the most precious of their
possessions. For those of them who happened to have gold or
anything else of value had previously concealed it by burying it
in the earth, and in this way they succeeded in hiding from the
enemy the fact that in getting back their houses they were
recovering their money also. And the siege, which had lasted
about twenty days, ended thus. As for the Goths who were captured in the city, not
less than eight hundred in number, Belisarius put them under
guard and kept them from all harm, holding them in no less honour
than his own soldiers.
And Pastor, who had been
leading the people upon a course of folly, as has been
previously[39] set forth by me, upon seeing the city
captured, fell into a fit of apoplexy and died suddenly, though
he had neither been ill before nor suffered any harm from anyone.
But Asclepiodotus, who was
engaged in this [105]intrigue with him, came before
Belisarius with those of the notables who survived. And Stephanus mocked and reviled him
with these words: "See, O basest of all men, what evils you have
brought to your fatherland, by selling the safety of the citizens
for loyalty to the Goths. And furthermore, if things had gone
well for the barbarians, you would have claimed the right to be
yourself a hireling in their service and to bring to court on the
charge of trying to betray the city to the Romans each one of us
who have given the better counsel. But now that the emperor has
captured the city, and we have been saved by the uprightness of
this man, and you even so have had the hardihood recklessly to
come into the presence of the general as if you had done no harm
to the Neapolitans or to the emperor's army, you will meet with
the punishment you deserve." Such were the words which Stephanus,
who was deeply grieved by the misfortune of the city, hurled
against Asclepiodotus. And
Asclepiodotus replied to him as follows: "Quite unwittingly,
noble Sir, you have been heaping praise upon us, when you
reproach us for our loyalty to the Goths. For no one could ever
be loyal to his masters when they are in danger, except it be by
firm conviction. As for me, then, the victors will have in me as
true a guardian of the state as they lately found in me an enemy,
since he whom nature has endowed with the quality of fidelity
does not change his conviction when he changes his fortune. But
you, should their fortunes not continue to prosper as before,
would readily listen to the overtures of their assailants. For he
who has the disease of inconstancy of mind no sooner takes fright
than he denies his pledge to those most dear."[107] Such
were the words of Asclepiodotus. But the populace of the Neapolitans, when they saw
him returning from Belisarius, gathered in a body and began to
charge him with responsibility for all that had befallen them.
And they did not leave him until they had killed him and torn his
body into small pieces. After that they came to the house of
Pastor, seeking for the man. And when the servants insisted that
Pastor was dead, they were quite unwilling to believe them until
they were shown the man's body. And the Neapolitans impaled him in the outskirts of
the town. Then they begged
Belisarius to pardon them for what they had done while moved with
just anger, and receiving his forgiveness, they dispersed. Such
was the fate of the Neapolitans.
FOOTNOTES:
[37] Cf. chap.
v. 3.
[38] Cf. chap.
v. 5.
[39] Chap.
viii. 22.
XI
But the Goths who were at
Rome and in the country round about had even before this regarded
with great amazement the inactivity of Theodatus, because, though
the enemy was in his neighbourhood, he was unwilling to engage
them in battle, and they felt among themselves much suspicion
toward him, believing that he was betraying the cause of the
Goths to the Emperor Justinian of his own free will, and cared
for nothing else than that he himself might live in quiet,
possessed of as much money as possible. Accordingly, when they
heard that Naples had been captured, they began immediately to
make all these charges against him openly and gathered
[109]at a place two hundred and eighty
stades distant from Rome, which the Romans call Regata.[40] And it seemed best to
them to make camp in that place; for there are extensive plains
there which furnish pasture for horses. And a river also flows by the place, which the
inhabitants call Decennovium[41] in the Latin tongue, because it flows past
nineteen milestones, a distance which amounts to one hundred and
thirteen stades, before it empties into the sea near the city of
Taracina; and very near that place is Mt. Circaeum, where they
say Odysseus met Circe, though the story seems to me
untrustworthy, for Homer declares that the habitation of Circe
was on an island. This, however,
I am able to say, that this Mt. Circaeum, extending as it does
far into the sea, resembles an island, so that both to those who
sail close to it and to those who walk to the shore in the
neighbourhood it has every appearance of being an island.
And only when a man gets on it
does he realize that he was deceived in his former opinion. And
for this reason Homer perhaps called the place an island. But I
shall return to the previous narrative.
The Goths, after gathering at
Regata, chose as king over them and the Italians Vittigis, a man
who, though not of a conspicuous house, had previously won great
renown in the battles about Sirmium, when Theoderic was carrying
on the war against the Gepaedes.[42] Theodatus, therefore, upon hearing this,
rushed off in flight and took the road to Ra[111]venna.
But Vittigis quickly sent
Optaris, a Goth, instructing him to bring Theodatus alive or
dead. Now it happened that this
Optaris was hostile to Theodatus for the following cause.
Optaris was wooing a certain
young woman who was an heiress and also exceedingly beautiful to
look upon. But Theodatus, being bribed to do so, took the woman
he was wooing from him, and betrothed her to another. And so,
since he was not only satisfying his own rage, but rendering a
service to Vittigis as well, he pursued Theodatus with great
eagerness and enthusiasm, stopping neither day nor night.
And he overtook him while still
on his way, laid him on his back on the ground, and slew him like
a victim for sacrifice. Such was the end of Theodatus' life and
of his rule, which had reached the third year.
Dec. 536 a.d.
And Vittigis, together with the Goths who were with him,
marched to Rome. And when he
learned what had befallen Theodatus, he was pleased and put
Theodatus' son Theodegisclus under guard. But it seemed to him that the preparations of the
Goths were by no means complete, and for this reason he thought
it better first to go to Ravenna, and after making everything
ready there in the best possible way, then at length to enter
upon the war. He therefore called all the Goths together and
spoke as follows:
"The success of the greatest enterprises, fellow-soldiers,
generally depends, not upon hasty action at critical moments, but
upon careful planning. For many a time a policy of delay adopted
at the opportune moment has brought more benefit than the
opposite course, and haste displayed at an unseason[113]able
time has upset for many men their hope of success. For in most
cases those who are unprepared, though they fight on equal terms
so far as their forces are concerned, are more easily conquered
than those who, with less strength, enter the struggle with the
best possible preparation. Let us not, therefore, be so lifted up
by the desire to win momentary honour as to do ourselves
irreparable harm; for it is better to suffer shame for a short
time and by so doing gain an undying glory, than to escape insult
for the moment and thereby, as would probably be the case, be
left in obscurity for all after time. And yet you doubtless know as well as I that the
great body of the Goths and practically our whole equipment of
arms is in Gaul and Venetia and the most distant lands. Furthermore, we are carrying on
against the nations of the Franks a war which is no less
important than this one, and it is great folly for us to proceed
to another war without first settling that one satisfactorily.
For it is natural that those
who become exposed to attack on two sides and do not confine
their attention to a single enemy should be worsted by their
opponents. But I say that we must now go straight from here to
Ravenna, and after bringing the war against the Franks to an end
and settling all our other affairs as well as possible, then with
the whole army of the Goths we must fight it out with Belisarius.
And let no one of you, I say, try to dissemble regarding this
withdrawal, nor hesitate to call it flight. For the title of
coward, fittingly applied, has saved many, while the reputation
for bravery which some men have gained at the [115]wrong
time, has afterward led them to defeat. For it is not the names
of things, but the advantage which comes from what is done, that
is worth seeking after. For a man's worth is revealed by his
deeds, not at their commencement, but at their end. And those do
not flee before the enemy who, when they have increased their
preparation, forthwith go against them, but those who are so
anxious to save their own lives for ever that they deliberately
stand aside. And regarding the capture of this city, let no fear
come to any one of you. For if, on the one hand, the Romans are
loyal to us, they will guard the city in security for the Goths,
and they will not experience any hardship, for we shall return to
them in a short time. And if, on the other hand, they harbour any
suspicions toward us, they will harm us less by receiving the
enemy into the city; for it is better to fight in the open
against one's enemies. None the less I shall take care that
nothing of this sort shall happen. For we shall leave behind many men and a most
discreet leader, and they will be sufficient to guard Rome so
effectively that not only will the situation here be favourable
for us, but also that no harm may possibly come from this
withdrawal of ours."
Thus spoke Vittigis. And
all the Goths expressed approval and prepared for the journey.
After this Vittigis exhorted at length Silverius, the
priest[43] of the city, and the
senate and people of the Romans, reminding them of the rule of
Theoderic, and he urged upon all to be loyal to the nation of the
Goths, binding them by the most solemn oaths to do so; and he
chose out no fewer than four thousand men, [117]and
set in command over them Leuderis, a man of mature years who
enjoyed a great reputation for discretion, that they might guard
Rome for the Goths. Then he set out for Ravenna with the rest of
the army, keeping the most of the senators with him as hostages.
And when he had reached that
place, he made Matasuntha, the daughter of Amalasuntha, who was a
maiden now of marriageable age, his wedded wife, much against her
will, in order that he might make his rule more secure by
marrying into the family of Theoderic. After this he began to gather all the Goths from
every side and to organize and equip them, duly distributing arms
and horses to each one; and only the Goths who were engaged in
garrison duty in Gaul he was unable to summon, through fear of
the Franks. These Franks were
called "Germani" in ancient times. And the manner in which they
first got a foothold in Gaul, and where they had lived before
that, and how they became hostile to the Goths, I shall now
proceed to relate.
FOOTNOTES:
[40] Near
Terracina.
[41] The name is
made from decem and novem,
"nineteen,"—apparently a late formation. The "river" was in
reality a canal, extending from Appii Forum to Terracina.
[42] Chap.
iii. 15.
[43] Silverius
was Pope 536-537 a.d.
XII
As one sails from the ocean
into the Mediterranean at Gadira, the land on the left, as was
stated in the preceding narrative,[44] is named Europe, while the land opposite to
this is called Libya, and, farther on, Asia. Now as to the region beyond Libya[45] I am unable to speak
with accuracy;[46] for it is almost wholly destitute of men, and
for this reason the [119]first source of the Nile, which they
say flows from that land toward Egypt, is quite unknown. But Europe at its very beginning is
exceedingly like the Peloponnesus, and fronts the sea on either
side. And the land which is
first toward the ocean and the west is named Spain, extending as
far as the alps of the Pyrenees range. For the men of this country are accustomed to call
a narrow, shut-in pass "alps." And the land from there on as far
as the boundaries of Liguria is called Gaul. And in that place
other alps separate the Gauls and the Ligurians. Gaul, however, is much broader than
Spain, and naturally so, because Europe, beginning with a narrow
peninsula, gradually widens as one advances until it attains an
extraordinary breadth. And
this land is bounded by water on either side, being washed on the
north by the ocean, and having on the south the sea called the
Tuscan Sea. And in Gaul there flow numerous rivers, among which
are the Rhone and the Rhine. But the course of these two being in opposite
directions, the one empties into the Tuscan Sea, while the Rhine
empties into the ocean. And there are many lakes[47] in that region, and
this is where the Germans lived of old, a barbarous nation, not
of much consequence in the beginning, who are now called Franks.
Next to these lived the
Arborychi,[48] who, together with all the rest of Gaul, and,
indeed, Spain also, were subjects of the Romans from of old.
And beyond them toward the
east were settled the Thuringian bar[121]barians, Augustus, the first emperor,
having given them this country.[49] And the
Burgundians lived not far from them toward the south,[50] and the Suevi[51] also lived beyond the
Thuringians, and the Alamani,[52] powerful nations. All these were settled
there as independent peoples in earlier times.
But as time went on, the
Visigoths forced their way into the Roman empire and seized all
Spain and the portion of Gaul lying beyond[53] the Rhone River and
made them subject and tributary to themselves. By that time it so happened that the Arborychi
had become soldiers of the Romans. And the Germans, wishing to
make this people subject to themselves, since their territory
adjoined their own and they had changed the government under
which they had lived from of old, began to plunder their land
and, being eager to make war, marched against them with their
whole people. But the
Arborychi proved their valour and loyalty to the Romans and
shewed themselves brave men in this war, and since the Germans
were not able to overcome them by force, they wished to win them
over and make the two peoples kin by intermarriage. This
suggestion the Arborychi received not at all unwillingly; for
both, as it happened, were Christians. And in this way they were
united into one people, and came to have great power.
Now other Roman soldiers,
also, had been stationed at the frontiers of Gaul to serve as
guards. And these soldiers,
having no means of returning to Rome, and at the same time being
unwilling to yield [123]to their enemy[54] who were Arians, gave themselves, together
with their military standards and the land which they had long
been guarding for the Romans, to the Arborychi and Germans; and
they handed down to their offspring all the customs of their
fathers, which were thus preserved, and this people has held them
in sufficient reverence to guard them even up to my time.
For even at the present day
they are clearly recognized as belonging to the legions to which
they were assigned when they served in ancient times, and they
always carry their own standards when they enter battle, and
always follow the customs of their fathers. And they preserve the dress of the Romans in
every particular, even as regards their shoes.
Now as long as the Roman
polity remained unchanged,[55] the emperor held all Gaul as far as the Rhone
River; but when Odoacer changed the government into a tyranny,
476 a.d.then, since the tyrant yielded to them,
the Visigoths took possession of all Gaul as far as the alps
which mark the boundary between Gaul and Liguria. 493 a.d.But after the fall of Odoacer, the
Thuringians and the Visigoths began to fear the power of the
Germans, which was now growing greater (for their country had
become exceedingly populous and they were forcing into subjection
without any concealment those who from time to time came in their
way), and so they were eager to win the alliance of the Goths and
Theoderic. And since Theoderic wished to attach these peoples to
himself, he did not refuse to intermarry with them. Accordingly he betrothed to Alaric
the younger, who was then leader of the Visigoths, his
[125]own unmarried daughter Theodichusa,
and to Hermenefridus, the ruler of the Thuringians, Amalaberga,
the daughter of his sister Amalafrida. As a result of this the Franks refrained from
violence against these peoples through fear of Theoderic, but
they began a war against the Burgundians. But later on the Franks and the Goths entered into
an offensive alliance against the Burgundians, agreeing that each
of the two should send an army against them; and it was further
agreed that if either army should be absent when the other took
the field against the nation of the Burgundians and overthrew
them and gained the land which they had, then the victors should
receive as a penalty from those who had not joined in the
expedition a fixed sum of gold, and that only on these terms
should the conquered land belong to both peoples in common.
So the Germans went against
the Burgundians with a great army according to the agreement
between themselves and the Goths; but Theoderic was still engaged
with his preparations, as he said, and purposely kept putting off
the departure of the army to the following day, and waiting for
what would come to pass. Finally, however, he sent the army, but commanded
the generals to march in a leisurely fashion, and if they should
hear that the Franks had been victorious, they were thenceforth to go quickly, but if they
should learn that any adversity had befallen them, they were to
proceed no farther, but remain where they were. So they proceeded to carry out the
commands of Theoderic, but meanwhile the[127]
Germans joined battle alone with the Burgundians. 534 a.d. The battle
was stubbornly contested and a great slaughter took place on both
sides, for the struggle was very evenly matched; but finally the
Franks routed their enemy and drove them to the borders of the
land which they inhabited at that time, where they had many
strongholds, while the Franks took possession of all the rest.
And the Goths, upon hearing this, were quickly at hand. And when they were bitterly
reproached by their allies, they blamed the difficulty of the
country, and laying down the amount of the penalty, they divided
the land with the victors according to the agreement made.
And thus the foresight of
Theoderic was revealed more clearly than ever, because, without
losing a single one of his subjects, he had with a little gold
acquired half of the land of his enemy. Thus it was that the Goths and Germans in the
beginning got possession of a certain part of Gaul.
But later on, when the power of the Germans was growing
greater, they began to think slightingly of Theoderic and the
fear he inspired, and took the field against Alaric and the
Visigoths. And when Alaric
learned this, he summoned Theoderic as quickly as possible. And
he set out to his assistance with a great army. In the meantime, the Visigoths, upon
learning that the Germans were in camp near the city of
Carcasiana,[56] went to meet them, and making a camp remained
quiet. But since much time was being spent by them in blocking
the enemy in this way, they began to be vexed, and seeing that
their land [129]was being plundered by the enemy, they
became indignant. And at length they began to heap many insults
upon Alaric, reviling him on account of his fear of the enemy and
taunting him with the delay of his father-in-law. For they
declared that they by themselves were a match for the enemy in
battle and that even though unaided they would easily overcome
the Germans in the war. For
this reason Alaric was compelled to do battle with the enemy
before the Goths had as yet arrived. And the Germans, gaining the upper hand in this
engagement, killed the most of the Visigoths and their ruler
Alaric. 507 a.d.Then they took possession of the greater part of
Gaul and held it; and they laid siege to Carcasiana with great
enthusiasm, because they had learned that the royal treasure was
there, which Alaric the elder in earlier times had taken as booty
when he captured Rome.[57] Among these were also the treasures of
Solomon, the king of the Hebrews, a most noteworthy sight.
410 a.d.For the most of them were adorned with emeralds;
and they had been taken from Jerusalem by the Romans in ancient
times.[58] Then the survivors of the Visigoths declared
Giselic, an illegitimate son of Alaric, ruler over them,
Amalaric, the son of Theoderic's daughter, being still a very
young child. And afterwards,
when Theoderic had come with the army of the Goths, the Germans
became afraid and broke up the siege. So they retired from there and took possession of
the part of Gaul beyond the Rhone River as far as the
[131]ocean. And Theoderic, being unable to
drive them out from there, allowed them to hold this territory,
but he himself recovered the rest of Gaul. Then, after Giselic had been put out of the way,
he conferred the rule of the Visigoths upon his grandson
Amalaric, for whom, since he was still a child, he himself acted
as regent. And taking all
the money which lay in the city of Carcasiana, he marched quickly
back to Ravenna; furthermore, he continued to send commanders and
armies into Gaul and Spain, thus holding the real power of the
government himself, and by way of providing that he should hold
it securely and permanently, he ordained that the rulers of those
countries should bring tribute to him. And though he received this every year, in order
not to give the appearance of being greedy for money he sent it
as an annual gift to the army of the Goths and Visigoths.
And as a result of this, the
Goths and Visigoths, as time went on, ruled as they were by one
man and holding the same land, betrothed their children to one
another and thus joined the two races in kinship.
But afterwards, Theudis,
a Goth, whom Theoderic had sent as commander of the army, took to
wife a woman from Spain; she was not, however, of the race of the
Visigoths, but belonged to the house of one of the wealthy
inhabitants of that land, and not only possessed great wealth but
also owned a large estate in Spain. From this estate he gathered about two thousand
soldiers and surrounded himself with a force of bodyguards, and
while in name he was a ruler over the Goths by the gift of
Theoderic, he was in fact an out and out tyrant. And Theoderic,
who was [133]wise and experienced in the highest
degree, was afraid to carry on a war against his own slave, lest
the Franks meanwhile should take the field against him, as they
naturally would, or the Visigoths on their part should begin a
revolution against him; accordingly he did not remove Theudis
from his office, but even continued to command him, whenever the
army went to war, to lead it forth. However, he directed the
first men of the Goths to write to Theudis that he would be
acting justly and in a manner worthy of his wisdom, if he should
come to Ravenna and salute Theoderic. Theudis, however, although
he carried out all the commands of Theoderic and never failed to
send in the annual tribute, would not consent to go to Ravenna,
nor would he promise those who had written to him that he would
do so.
FOOTNOTES:
[44] Book III.
i. 7.
[45] i.e.
equatorial Africa.
[46] Cf. Book
IV. xiii. 29.
[47] This vague
statement is intended to describe the country west of the Rhine,
at that time a land of forests and swamps.
[48] The people
whom Procopius names Arborychi must be the Armorici. If so, they
occupied the coast of what is now Belgium.
[49] Now
south-eastern Germany.
[50] Now
south-eastern France.
[51] Between the
Germans and Burgundians.
[52] In modern
Bavaria.
[53] i.e.
west of the Rhone.
[54] i.e.
the Visigoths.
[55] i.e.
under a recognized imperial dynasty.
[56] In Gallia
Narbonensis, modern Carcassone. Procopius has been misled. The
battle here described was fought in the neighbourhood of
Poitiers.
[57] Cf. Book
III. ii. 14-24.
[58] At the
capture of Jerusalem by Titus in 70 a.d. The treasures here mentioned were removed
from Rome in 410 a.d. The remainder of
the Jewish treasure formed part of the spoil of Gizeric, the
Vandal. Cf. Book IV. ix. 5 and note.
XIII
526 a.d.
After Theoderic had
departed from the world, the Franks, now that there was no longer
anyone to oppose them, took the field against the Thuringians,
and not only killed their leader Hermenefridus but also reduced
to subjection the entire people. But the wife of Hermenefridus took her children
and secretly made her escape, coming to Theodatus, her brother,
who was at that time ruling over the Goths. After this the Germans made an attack upon the
Burgundians who had survived the former war,[59] and defeating them in
battle confined their leader in one of the fortresses of the
country and kept him under guard, while they reduced the people
to subjection [135]and compelled them, as prisoners of
war, to march with them from that time forth against their
enemies, and the whole land which the Burgundians had previously
inhabited they made subject and tributary to themselves. And Amalaric, who was ruling over
the Visigoths, upon coming to man's estate, became thoroughly
frightened at the power of the Germans and so took to wife the sister of Theudibert,
ruler of the Germans, and divided Gaul with the Goths and his
cousin Atalaric. The Goths, namely, received as their portion the
land to the east of the Rhone River, while that to the west fell
under the control of the Visigoths. And it was agreed that the tribute which Theoderic
had imposed should no longer be paid to the Goths, and Atalaric
honestly and justly restored to Amalaric all the money which he
had taken from the city of Carcasiana. Then, since these two nations had united with one
another by intermarriage, they allowed each man who had espoused
a wife of the other people to choose whether he wished to follow
his wife, or bring her among his own people. And there were many who led their wives to the
people they preferred and many also who were led by their wives.
But later on Amalaric,
having given offence to his wife's brother, suffered a great
calamity. For while his
wife was of the orthodox faith, he himself followed the heresy of
Arius, and he would not allow her to hold to her customary
beliefs or to perform the rites of religion according to the
tradition of her fathers, and, furthermore, because she was
unwilling to conform to his customs, he held her in great
dishonour. And since the woman was unable to bear this, she
disclosed the whole matter to her brother. For this [137]reason, then, the Germans and
Visigoths entered into war with each other. 531 a.d.And the battle which took place
was for a long time very stoutly contested, but finally Amalaric
was defeated, losing many of his men, and was himself slain.
And Theudibert took his
sister with all the money, and as much of Gaul as the Visigoths
held as their portion. And
the survivors of the vanquished emigrated from Gaul with their
wives and children and went to Theudis in Spain, who was already
acting the tyrant openly. Thus did the Goths and Germans gain
possession of Gaul.
But at a later
time[60] Theodatus, the ruler
of the Goths, upon learning that Belisarius had come to Sicily,
made a compact with the Germans, in which it was agreed that the
Germans should have that portion of Gaul which fell to the Goths,
and should receive twenty centenaria[61] of gold, and that in return they should
assist the Goths in this war. But before he had as yet carried
out the agreement he fulfilled his destiny. 526 a.d.It was for this reason, then, that
many of the noblest of the Goths, with Marcias as their leader,
were keeping guard in Gaul. It was these men whom Vittigis was unable to
recall from Gaul,[62] and indeed he did not think them numerous
enough even to oppose the Franks, who would, in all probability,
overrun both Gaul and Italy, if he should march with his whole
army against Rome. He
therefore called together all who were loyal among the Goths and
spoke as follows:
"The advice which I have wished to give you, [139]fellow-countrymen, in bringing you
together here at the present time, is not pleasant, but it is
necessary; and do you hear me kindly, and deliberate in a manner
befitting the situation which is upon us. For when affairs do not go as men wish, it is
inexpedient for them to go on with their present arrangements in
disregard of necessity or fortune. Now in all other respects our
preparations for war are in the best possible state. But the
Franks are an obstacle to us; against them, our ancient enemies,
we have indeed been spending both our lives and our money, but
nevertheless we have succeeded in holding our own up to the
present time, since no other hostile force has confronted us. But
now that we are compelled to go against another foe, it will be
necessary to put an end to the war against them, in the first
place because, if they remain hostile to us, they will certainly
array themselves with Belisarius against us; for those who have
the same enemy are by the very nature of things induced to enter
into friendship and alliance with each other. In the second
place, even if we carry on the war separately against each army,
we shall in the end be defeated by both of them. It is better,
therefore, for us to accept a little loss and thus preserve the
greatest part of our kingdom, than in our eagerness to hold
everything to be destroyed by the enemy and lose at the same time
the whole power of our supremacy. So my opinion is that if we give the Germans the
provinces of Gaul which adjoin them, and together with this land
all the money which Theodatus agreed to give them, they will not
only be turned from their enmity against us, but will even lend
us assistance in this war. But as to how at a later time, when
matters [141]are going well for us, we may regain
possession of Gaul, let no one of you consider this question. For
an ancient saying[63] comes to my mind, which bids us 'settle well
the affairs of the present.'"
Upon hearing this
speech the notables of the Goths, considering the plan
advantageous, wished it to be put into effect. Accordingly envoys
were immediately sent to the nation of the Germans, in order to
give them the lands of Gaul together with the gold, and to make
an offensive and defensive alliance. Now at that time the rulers of the Franks were
Ildibert, Theudibert, and Cloadarius, and they received Gaul and
the money, and divided the land among them according to the
territory ruled by each one, and they agreed to be exceedingly friendly to the
Goths, and secretly to send them auxiliary troops, not Franks,
however, but soldiers drawn from the nations subject to them. For
they were unable to make an alliance with them openly against the
Romans, because they had a little before agreed to assist the
emperor in this war. So
the envoys, having accomplished the mission on which they had
been sent, returned to Ravenna. At that time also Vittigis
summoned Marcias with his followers.
FOOTNOTES:
[59] Cf. chap.
xii. 24 ff.
[60] Procopius
resumes his narrative, which was interrupted by the digression
beginning in chap. xii.
[61] Cf. Book I.
xxii. 4; III. vi. 2 and note.
[62] Cf. chap.
xi. 28.
[63] Cf. Thuc.
i. 35, θἑσθαι
το ραρὁν, "to deal
with the actual situation"; Hor. Od. iii. 29, 32, "quod
adest memento | Componere."
XIV
But while Vittigis was
carrying on these negotiations, Belisarius was preparing to go to
Rome. He accordingly selected
three hundred men from the infantry forces with Herodian as their
leader, and [143]assigned them the duty of guarding
Naples. And he also sent to
Cumae as large a garrison as he thought would be sufficient to
guard the fortress there. For
there was no stronghold in Campania except those at Cumae and at
Naples. It is in this city of Cumae that the inhabitants point
out the cave of the Sibyl, where they say her oracular shrine
was; and Cumae is on the sea, one hundred and twenty-eight stades
distant from Naples. Belisarius, then, was thus engaged in
putting his army in order; but the inhabitants of Rome, fearing
lest all the calamities should befall them which had befallen the
Neapolitans, decided after considering the matter that it was
better to receive the emperor's army into the city. And more than
any other Silverius,[64] the chief priest of the city, urged them to
adopt this course. So they
sent Fidelius, a native of Milan, which is situated in Liguria, a
man who had been previously an adviser of Atalaric (such an
official is called "quaestor"[65] by the Romans), and invited Belisarius to
come to Rome, promising to put the city into his hands without a
battle. So Belisarius led his
army from Naples by the Latin Way, leaving on the left the Appian
Way, which Appius, the consul of the Romans, had made nine
hundred years before[66] and to which he had given his name.
Now the Appian Way is in length a journey of five days for an
unencumbered traveller; for it extends from Rome to Capua. And
the breadth of this road is such that two waggons going in
opposite directions [145]can pass one another, and it is one of
the noteworthy sights of the world. For all the stone, which is
mill-stone[67] and hard by nature, Appius quarried in
another place[68] far away and brought there; for it is not
found anywhere in this district. And after working these stones
until they were smooth and flat, and cutting them to a polygonal
shape, he fastened them together without putting concrete or
anything else between them. And they were fastened together so
securely and the joints were so firmly closed, that they give the
appearance, when one looks at them, not of being fitted together,
but of having grown together. And after the passage of so long a
time, and after being traversed by many waggons and all kinds of
animals every day, they have neither separated at all at the
joints, nor has any one of the stones been worn out or reduced in
thickness,—nay, they have not even lost any of their
polish. Such, then, is the Appian Way.
But as for the Goths who
were keeping guard in Rome, it was not until they learned that
the enemy were very near and became aware of the decision of the
Romans, that they began to be concerned for the city, and, being
unable to meet the attacking army in battle, they were at a loss;
but later, with the
permission of the Romans, they all departed thence and proceeded
to Ravenna, except that Leuderis, who commanded them, being
ashamed, I suppose, because of the situation in which he found
himself, remained there. And
it so happened on that day that at the very same time when
Belisarius and the emperor's [147]army were entering Rome
through the gate which they call the Asinarian Gate, the Goths
were withdrawing from the city through another gate which bears
the name Flaminian; and Rome became subject to the Romans again
after a space of sixty years, on the ninth day of the last month,
which is called "December" by the Romans, in the eleventh year of
the reign of the Emperor Justinian. 536
a.d.Now Belisarius sent Leuderis, the commander of the
Goths, and the keys of the gates to the emperor, but he himself
turned his attention to the circuit-wall, which had fallen into
ruin in many places; and he constructed each merlon of the
battlement with a wing, adding a sort of flanking wall on the
left side,[69] in order that those fighting from the
battlement against their assailants might never be hit by
missiles thrown by those storming the wall on their left; and he
also dug a moat about the wall of sufficient depth to form a very
important part of the defences. And the Romans applauded the forethought of the
general and especially the experience displayed in the matter of
the battlement; but they marvelled greatly and were vexed that he
should have thought it possible for him to enter Rome if he had
any idea that he would be besieged, for it cannot possibly endure
a siege because it cannot be supplied with provisions, since it
is not on the sea, is enclosed by a wall of so huge a
circumference,[70] and, above all, lying as it does in a very
level plain, is naturally exceedingly [149]easy
of access for its assailants. But although Belisarius heard all these
criticisms, he nevertheless continued to make all his
preparations for a siege, and the grain which he had in his ships
when he came from Sicily he stored in public granaries and kept
under guard, and he compelled all the Romans, indignant though
they were, to bring all their provisions in from the country.
FOOTNOTES:
[64] Cf. chap.
xi. 26, note.
[65] The
quaestor held an important position as counsellor (πἁρεδροϛ)
of the emperor in legal matters. It was his function, also, to
formulate and publish new laws.
[66] Built in
312 b.c. by the censor, Appius
Claudius.
[67] Chiefly
basalt. As built by Appius, however, the surface was of gravel;
the stone blocks date from later years.
[68] Apparently
an error, for lava quarries have been found along the road.
[69] i.e.
on the left of the defender. The battlement, then, in horizontal
section, had this form ,
instead of the usual series of straight merlons. Winged merlons
were used on the walls of Pompeii; for an excellent illustration
see Overbeck, Pompeji4, p. 46.
[70] i.e.
too great to be defended at every point: the total length of the
circuit-wall was about twelve miles.
XV
At that time Pitzas, a Goth,
coming from Samnium, also put himself and all the Goths who were
living there with him into the hands of Belisarius, as well as
the half of that part of Samnium which lies on the sea, as far as
the river which flows through the middle of that
district.[71] For the
Goths who were settled on the other side of the river were
neither willing to follow Pitzas nor to be subjects of the
emperor. And Belisarius gave him
a small number of soldiers to help him guard that territory. And
before this the Calabrians and Apulians, since no Goths were
present in their land, had willingly submitted themselves to
Belisarius, both those on the coast and those who held the
interior.
Among the interior towns is
Beneventus,[72] which in ancient times the Romans had named
"Maleventus," but now they call it Beneventus, avoiding the evil
omen of the former name,[73] "ventus" having the meaning "wind" in the
Latin tongue. For in[151] Dalmatia, which lies across from
this city on the opposite mainland, a wind of great violence and exceedingly wild is
wont to fall upon the country, and when this begins to blow, it
is impossible to find a man there who continues to travel on the
road, but all shut themselves up at home and wait. Such, indeed,
is the force of the wind that it seizes a man on horseback
together with his horse and carries him through the air, and
then, after whirling him about in the air to a great distance, it
throws him down wherever he may chance to be and kills him. And
it so happens that Beneventus, being opposite to Dalmatia, as I
have said, and situated on rather high ground, gets some of the
disadvantage of this same wind. This city was built of old by Diomedes, the son of
Tydeus, when after the capture of Troy he was repulsed from
Argos. And he left to the city as a token the tusks of the
Calydonian boar, which his uncle Meleager had received as a prize
of the hunt, and they are there even up to my time, a noteworthy
sight and well worth seeing, measuring not less than three spans
around and having the form of a crescent. There, too, they say that Diomedes met Aeneas, the
son of Anchises, when he was coming from Ilium, and in obedience
to the oracle gave him the statue of Athena which he had seized
as plunder in company with Odysseus, when the two went into Troy
as spies before the city was captured by the Greeks. For they tell the story that when he
fell sick at a later time, and made enquiry [153]concerning the disease, the oracle
responded that he would never be freed from his malady unless he
should give this statue to a man of Troy. And as to where in the world the statue itself is,
the Romans say they do not know, but even up to my time they shew
a copy of it chiselled on a certain stone in the temple of
Fortune, where it lies before the bronze statue of Athena, which
is set up under the open sky in the eastern part of the temple.
And this copy on the stone represents a female figure in the pose
of a warrior and extending her spear as if for combat; but in
spite of this she has a chiton reaching to the feet. But the face does not resemble the
Greek statues of Athena, but is altogether like the work of the
ancient Aegyptians. The
Byzantines, however, say that the Emperor Constantine dug up this
statue in the forum which bears his name[74] and set it there. So much, then, for
this.
In this way Belisarius won
over the whole of that part of Italy which is south of the Ionian
Gulf,[75] as far as Rome and
Samnium, and the territory north of the gulf, as far as Liburnia,
had been gained by Constantianus, as has been said.[76] But I shall now
explain how Italy is divided among the inhabitants of the land.
The Adriatic Sea[77] sends out a kind of
outlet far into the continent and thus forms the Ionian Gulf, but
it does not, as in other places where the sea enters the
mainland, form an isthmus at its end.[155]
For example, the so-called
Crisaean Gulf, ending at Lechaeum, where the city of Corinth is,
forms the isthmus of that city, about forty stades in breadth;
and the gulf off the
Hellespont, which they call the Black Gulf,[78] makes the isthmus at
the Chersonese no broader than the Corinthian, but of about the
same size. But from the city
of Ravenna, where the Ionian Gulf ends, to the Tuscan Sea is not
less than eight days' journey for an unencumbered traveller. And
the reason is that the arm of the sea, as it advances,[79] always inclines very
far to the right. And below
this gulf the first town is Dryus,[80] which is now called Hydrus. And on the right of this are the Calabrians,
Apulians, and Samnites, and next to them dwell the Piceni, whose
territory extends as far as the city of Ravenna. And on the other side are the
remainder of the Calabrians, the Bruttii, and the Lucani, beyond
whom dwell the Campani as far as the city of Taracina, and their
territory is adjoined by that of Rome. These peoples hold the
shores of the two seas, and all the interior of that part of
Italy. And this is the country
called Magna Graecia in former times. For among the Bruttii are
the Epizephyrian Locrians and the inhabitants of Croton and
Thurii. But north of the gulf
the first inhabitants are Greeks, called Epirotes, as far as the
city of Epidamnus, which is situated on the sea. And adjoining this is the land of
Precalis, beyond which [157]is the territory called Dalmatia,
all of which is counted as part of the western empire. And beyond
that point is Liburnia,[81] and Istria, and the land of the Veneti
extending to the city of Ravenna. These countries are situated on
the sea in that region. But
above them are the Siscii and Suevi (not those who are subjects
of the Franks, but another group), who inhabit the interior.
And beyond these are settled
the Carnii and Norici. On the right of these dwell the Dacians
and Pannonians, who hold a number of towns, including
Singidunum[82] and Sirmium, and extend as far as the Ister
River. Now these peoples north
of the Ionian Gulf were ruled by the Goths at the beginning of
this war, but beyond the city of Ravenna on the left of the river
Po the country was inhabited by the Ligurians.[83] And to the north
of them live the Albani in an exceedingly good land called
Langovilla, and beyond these are the nations subject to the
Franks, while the country to the west is held by the Gauls and
after them the Spaniards. On the right of the Po are
Aemilia[84] and the Tuscan
peoples, which extend as far as the boundaries of Rome. So much,
then, for this.
FOOTNOTES:
[71] Probably
either the Biferno or the Sangro.
[72] sic
Procopius. The customary form "Beneventum" shews less clearly the
derivation from "ventus" which Procopius favours. Other possible
explanations are "bene" + "venio" or "bene" + (suff.)
"entum."
[73] Cf. Pliny
III. xi. 16, § 105, who says that the name was originally
"Maleventum," on account of its unwholesome air.
[74] The Forum
of Constantine was a short distance west of the Hippodrome. One
of its principle monuments, a huge porphyry column, still stands
and is known as the "Burnt Column."
[75] i.e.
the Adriatic Sea; see note 4.
[76] Chap.
vii. 36.
[77] By the
"Adriatic" is meant the part of the Mediterranean which lies
between Africa on the south, Sicily and Italy on the west, and
Greece and Epirus on the east; Procopius' "Ionian Gulf" is
therefore our Adriatic Sea.
[78] Now the
Gulf of Saros, north and west of the Gallipoli peninsula.
[79] i.e.
to the north-west. Procopius means that the Adriatic should
incline at its upper end more toward the left (the west) in order
to form the isthmus which he is surprised to find lacking.
[80] Hydruntum;
cf. Book III. i. 9, note.
[81] Modern
Croatia.
[82] Modern
Belgrade.
[83] Procopius
seems to have erred: Liguria, as well as Aemilia (below), was
south of the Po. Cf. chap. xii. 4, where
Liguria is represented as extending to the Alps.
[84] Whose
capital was Placentia (Piacenzo).
XVI
So Belisarius took
possession of all the territory of Rome as far as the river
Tiber, and strengthened it. And when all had been settled by him in the best
[159]possible manner, he gave to
Constantinus a large number of his own guards together with many
spearmen, including the Massagetae Zarter, Chorsomanus, and
Aeschmanus, and an army besides, commanding him to go into
Tuscany, in order to win over the towns of that region. And he gave orders to Bessas to take
possession of Narnia, a very strong city in Tuscany. Now this
Bessas was a Goth by birth, one of those who had dwelt in Thrace
from of old and had not followed Theoderic when he led the Gothic
nation thence into Italy, and he was an energetic man and a
capable warrior. For he was both a general of the first rank, and
a skilful man in action. And Bessas took Narnia not at all
against the will of the inhabitants, and Constantinus won over
Spolitium[85] and Perusia[86] and certain other towns without any trouble.
For the Tuscans received him into their cities willingly.
So after establishing a
garrison in Spolitium, he himself remained quietly with his army
in Perusia, the first city in Tuscany.
Now when Vittigis heard
this, he sent against them an army with Unilas and Pissas as its
commanders. And Constantinus confronted these troops in the
outskirts of Perusia and engaged with them. The battle was at first evenly disputed, since the
barbarians were superior in numbers, but afterwards the Romans by
their valour gained the upper hand and routed the enemy, and
while they were fleeing in complete disorder the Romans killed
almost all of them; and they
captured alive the commanders of the enemy and sent them to
Belisarius. Now when Vittigis heard this, he was no longer
[161]willing to remain quietly in Ravenna,
where he was embarrassed by the absence of Marcias and his men,
who had not yet come from Gaul. So he sent to Dalmatia a great army with Asinarius
and Uligisalus as its commanders, in order to recover Dalmatia
for the Gothic rule. And he
directed them to add to their own troops an army from the land of
the Suevi, composed of the barbarians there, and then to proceed
directly to Dalmatia and Salones. And he also sent with them many ships of war, in
order that they might be able to besiege Salones both by land and
by sea. But he himself was
hastening to go with his whole army against Belisarius and Rome,
leading against him horsemen and infantry to the number of not
less than one hundred and fifty thousand, and the most of them as
well as their horses were clad in armour.
So Asinarius, upon
reaching the country of the Suevi, began to gather the army of
the barbarians, while Uligisalus alone led the Goths into
Liburnia. And when the
Romans engaged with them at a place called Scardon, they were
defeated in the battle and retired to the city of Burnus; and
there Uligisalus awaited his colleague. But Constantianus, upon hearing of the
preparations of Asinarius, became afraid for Salones, and
summoned the soldiers who were holding all the fortresses in that
region. He then dug a moat around the whole circuit-wall and made
all the other preparations for the siege in the best manner
possible. And Asinarius,
after gathering an exceedingly large army of barbarians, came to
the [163]city of Burnus. There he joined Uligisalus and the Gothic army and
proceeded to Salones. And they made a stockade about the
circuit-wall, and also, filling their ships with soldiers, kept
guard over the side of the fortifications which faced the sea. In
this manner they proceeded to besiege Salones both by land and by
sea; but the Romans suddenly made an attack upon the ships of the
enemy and turned them to flight, and many of them they sunk, men
and all, and also captured many without their crews. However, the
Goths did not raise the siege, but maintained it vigorously and
kept the Romans still more closely confined to the city than
before. Such, then, were the fortunes of the Roman and Gothic
armies in Dalmatia.
But Vittigis, upon
hearing from the natives who came from Rome that the army which
Belisarius had was very small, began to repent of his withdrawal
from Rome, and was no longer able to endure the situation, but
was now so carried away by fury that he advanced against them.
And on his way thither he fell in with a priest who was coming
from Rome. Whereupon they
say that Vittigis in great excitement enquired of this man
whether Belisarius was still in Rome, shewing that he was afraid
he would not be able to catch him, but that Belisarius would
forestall him by running away. But the priest, they say, replied
that he need not be at all concerned about that; for he, the
priest, was able to guarantee that Belisarius would never resort
to flight, but was remaining where he was. But Vittigis, they say, [165]kept
hastening still more than before, praying that he might see with
his own eyes the walls of Rome before Belisarius made his escape
from the city.
FOOTNOTES:
[85] Modern
Spoleto.
[86] Modern
Perugia.
XVII
But Belisarius, when he
heard that the Goths were marching against him with their whole
force, was in a dilemma. For he was unwilling, on the one hand,
to dispense with the troops of Constantinus and Bessas,
especially since his army was exceedingly small, and, on the
other, it seemed to him inexpedient to abandon the strongholds in
Tuscany, lest the Goths should hold these as fortresses against
the Romans. So after
considering the matter he sent word to Constantinus and Bessas to
leave garrisons in the positions which absolutely required them,
large enough to guard them, while they themselves with the rest
of the army should come to Rome with all speed. And Constantinus acted accordingly.
For he established garrisons in Perusia and Spolitium, and with
all the rest of his troops marched off to Rome. But while Bessas, in a more
leisurely manner, was making his dispositions in Narnia, it so
happened that, since the enemy were passing that way, the plains
in the outskirts of the city were filled with Goths. These were an advance guard
preceding the rest of the army; and Bessas engaged with them and
unexpectedly routed those whom he encountered and killed many;
but then, since he was overpowered by their superior numbers, he
retired into Narnia. And
[167]leaving a garrison there according to
the instructions of Belisarius, he went with all speed to Rome,
and reported that the enemy would be at hand almost instantly.
For Narnia is only three hundred and fifty stades distant from
Rome. But Vittigis made no
attempt at all to capture Perusia and Spolitium; for these places
are exceedingly strong and he was quite unwilling that his time
should be wasted there, his one desire having come to be to find
Belisarius not yet fled from Rome. Moreover, even when he learned that Narnia also
was held by the enemy, he was unwilling to attempt anything
there, knowing that the place was difficult of access and on
steep ground besides; for it is situated on a lofty hill.
And the river Narnus flows
by the foot of the hill, and it is this which has given the city
its name. There are two roads leading up to the city, the one on
the east, and the other on the west. One of these is very narrow and difficult by
reason of precipitous rocks, while the other cannot be reached
except by way of the bridge which spans the river and provides a
passage over it at that point. This bridge was built by Caesar Augustus in early
times, and is a very noteworthy sight; for its arches are the
highest of any known to us.
So Vittigis, not
enduring to have his time wasted there, departed thence with all
speed and went with the whole army against Rome, making the
journey [169]through Sabine territory. Feb. 21, 537 a.d.And when he drew near to Rome, and was not more
than fourteen stades away from it, he came upon a bridge over the
Tiber River.[87] There
a little while before Belisarius had built a tower, furnished it
with gates, and stationed in it a guard of soldiers, not because
this is the only point at which the Tiber could be crossed by the
enemy (for there are both boats and bridges at many places along
the river), but because he wished the enemy to have to spend more
time in the journey, since he was expecting another army from the
emperor, and also in order that the Romans might bring in still
more provisions. For if the barbarians, repulsed at that point,
should try to cross on a bridge somewhere else, he thought that
not less than twenty days would be consumed by them, and if they
wished to launch boats in the Tiber to the necessary number, a
still longer time would probably be wasted by them. These, then,
were the considerations which led him to establish the garrison
at that point; and the Goths bivouacked there that day, being at
a loss and supposing that they would be obliged to storm the
tower on the following day; but twenty-two deserters came to them, men who
were barbarians by race but Roman soldiers, from the cavalry
troop commanded by Innocentius.[88] Just
at that time it occurred to Belisarius to establish a camp near
the Tiber River, in order that they might hinder still more the
crossing of the enemy and make some kind of a display of their
own daring [171]to their opponents. But all the soldiers who, as has
been stated, were keeping guard at the bridge, being overcome
with terror at the throng of Goths and quailing at the magnitude
of their danger, abandoned by night the tower they were guarding
and rushed off in flight. But thinking that they could not enter Rome, they
stealthily marched off toward Campania, either because they were
afraid of the punishment the general would inflict or because
they were ashamed to appear before their comrades.
FOOTNOTES:
[87] The Mulvian
Bridge.
[88] Cf. chap.
v. 3.
XVIII
On the following day
the Goths destroyed the gates of the tower with no trouble and
made the crossing, since no one tried to oppose them. But Belisarius, who had not as yet
learned what had happened to the garrison, was bringing up a
thousand horsemen to the bridge over the river, in order to look
over the ground and decide where it would be best for his forces
to make camp. But when
they had come rather close, they met the enemy already across the
river, and not at all willingly they engaged with some of them.
And the battle was carried on by horsemen on both sides. Then
Belisarius, though he was safe before, would no longer keep the
general's post, but began to fight in the front ranks like a
soldier; and consequently the cause of the Romans was thrown into
great danger, for the whole decision of the war rested with him.
But it happened that the
horse he was riding at that time was unusually experienced in
warfare and knew well [173]how to save his rider; and his
whole body was dark grey, except that his face from the top of
his head to the nostrils was the purest white. Such a horse the Greeks call
"phalius"[89] and the barbarians "balan." And it so
happened that the most of the Goths threw their javelins and
other missiles at him and at Belisarius for the following reason.
Those deserters who on the previous day had come to the Goths,
when they saw Belisarius fighting in the front ranks, knowing
well that, if he should fall, the cause of the Romans would be
ruined instantly, cried aloud urging them to "shoot at the
white-faced horse." Consequently this saying was passed around
and reached the whole Gothic army, and they did not question it
at all, since they were in a great tumult of fighting, nor did
they know clearly that it referred to Belisarius. But
conjecturing that it was not by mere accident that the saying had
gained such currency as to reach all, the most of them,
neglecting all others, began to shoot at Belisarius. And every
man among them who laid any claim to valour was immediately
possessed with a great eagerness to win honour, and getting as
close as possible they kept trying to lay hold of him and in a
great fury kept striking with their spears and swords. But
Belisarius himself, turning from side to side, kept killing as
they came those who encountered him, and he also profited very
greatly by the loyalty of his own spearmen and guards in this
moment of danger. For they all surrounded [175]him
and made a display of valour such, I imagine, as has never been
shewn by any man in the world to this day; for, holding out their
shields in defence of both the general and his horse, they not
only received all the missiles, but also forced back and beat off
those who from time to time assailed him. And thus the whole
engagement was centred about the body of one man. In this
struggle there fell among the Goths no fewer than a thousand, and
they were men who fought in the front ranks; and of the household of Belisarius many of
the noblest were slain, and Maxentius, the spearman, after making
a display of great exploits against the enemy. But by some chance
Belisarius was neither wounded nor hit by a missile on that day,
although the battle was waged around him alone.
Finally by their valour the Romans turned the enemy to flight,
and an exceedingly great multitude of barbarians fled until they
reached their main army. For there the Gothic infantry, being
entirely fresh, withstood their enemy and forced them back
without any trouble. And when another body of cavalry in turn
reinforced the Goths, the Romans fled at top speed until they
reached a certain hill, which they climbed, and there held their
position. But the enemy's horsemen were upon them directly, and a
second cavalry battle took place. There Valentinus, the groom of Photius, the son
of Antonina, made a remarkable exhibition of valour. For by
leaping alone into the throng of the enemy he opposed himself to
the onrush of the Goths and thus saved his companions. In this way the Romans escaped,
and arrived at the fortifications of Rome, and the barbarians in
pursuit pressed upon them [177]as far as the wall by
the gate which has been named the Salarian Gate.[90] But the people of Rome, fearing lest the
enemy should rush in together with the fugitives and thus get
inside the fortifications, were quite unwilling to open the
gates, although Belisarius urged them again and again and called
upon them with threats to do so. For, on the one hand, those who
peered out of the tower were unable to recognise the man, for his
face and his whole head were covered with gore and dust, and at
the same time no one was able to see very clearly, either; for it
was late in the day, about sunset. Moreover, the Romans had no
reason to suppose that the general survived; for those who had
come in flight from the rout which had taken place earlier
reported that Belisarius had died fighting bravely in the front
ranks. So the throng of the enemy, which had rushed up in
strength and possessed with great fury, were purposing to cross
the moat straightway and attack the fugitives there; and the
Romans, finding themselves massed along the wall, after they had
come inside the moat, and so close together that they touched one
another, were being crowded into a small space. Those inside the
fortifications, however, since they were without a general and
altogether unprepared, and being in a panic of fear for
themselves and for the city, were quite unable to defend their
own men, although these were now in so perilous a situation.
Then a daring thought
came to Belisarius, which unexpectedly saved the day for the
Romans. For urging on
all his men he suddenly fell upon the [179]enemy.
And they, even before this, had been in great disorder because of
the darkness and the fact that they were making a pursuit, and
now when, much to their surprise, they saw the fugitives
attacking them, they supposed that another army also had come to
their assistance from the city, and so were thrown into a great
panic and all fled immediately at top speed. But Belisarius by no means rushed out to
pursue them, but returned straightway to the wall. And at this
the Romans took courage and received him and all his men into the
city. So narrowly did Belisarius and the emperor's cause escape
peril; and the battle which had begun early in the morning did
not end until night. And
those who distinguished themselves above all others by their
valour in this battle were, among the Romans, Belisarius, and
among the Goths, Visandus Vandalarius, who had fallen upon
Belisarius at the first when the battle took place about him, and
did not desist until he had received thirteen wounds on his body
and fell. And since he
was supposed to have died immediately, he was not cared for by
his companions, although they were victorious, and he lay there
with the dead. But on the third day, when the barbarians had made
camp hard by the circuit-wall of Rome and had sent some men in
order to bury their dead and to perform the customary rites of
burial, those who were searching out the bodies of the fallen
found Visandus Vandalarius with life still in him, and one of his
companions entreated him to speak some word to him. But he could
not do even this, for the inside of his body was on fire because
of the lack of food and the thirst caused by his suffering, and
so he nodded to him to put water into his [181]mouth.
Then when he had drunk and become himself again, they lifted and
carried him to the camp. And Visandus Vandalarius won a great
name for this deed among the Goths, and he lived on a very
considerable time, enjoying the greatest renown. This, then, took
place on the third day after the battle.
But at that time Belisarius, after reaching safety with his
followers, gathered the soldiers and almost the whole Roman
populace to the wall, and commanded them to burn many fires and
keep watch throughout the whole night. And going about the circuit of the
fortifications, he set everything in order and put one of his
commanders in charge of each gate. But Bessas, who took command of the guard at the
gate called the Praenestine,[91] sent a messenger to Belisarius with orders to
say that the city was held by the enemy, who had broken in
through another gate which is across the Tiber River[92] and bears the name of
Pancratius, a holy man. And all those who were in the company of
Belisarius, upon hearing this, urged him to save himself as
quickly as possible through some other gate. He, however, neither
became panic-stricken, nor did he hesitate to declare that the
report was false. And he also sent some of his horsemen across
the Tiber with all speed, and they, after looking over the ground
there, brought back word that no hostile attack had been made on
the city in that quarter. He therefore sent immediately to each gate and
instructed the commanders everywhere that, whenever they heard
that the enemy had broken in at any other part of [183]the
fortifications, they should not try to assist in the defence nor
abandon their post, but should remain quiet; for he himself would
take care of such matters. And he did this in order that they might not be
thrown into disorder a second time by a rumour which was not
true.
But Vittigis, while the Romans were still in great confusion,
sent to the Salarian Gate[93] one of his commanders, Vacis by name, a man
of no mean station. And
when he had arrived there, he began to reproach the Romans for
their faithlessness to the Goths and upbraided them for the
treason which he said they had committed against both their
fatherland and themselves, for they had exchanged the power of
the Goths for Greeks who were not able to defend them, although
they had never before seen any men of the Greek race come to
Italy except actors of tragedy and mimes and thieving
sailors.[94] Such words and many
like them were spoken by Vacis, but since no one replied to him,
he returned to the Goths and Vittigis. As for Belisarius, he brought upon himself much
ridicule on the part of the Romans, for though he had barely
escaped from the enemy, he bade them take courage thenceforth and
look with contempt upon the barbarians; for he knew well, he
said, that he would conquer them decisively. Now the manner in
which he had come to know this with certainty will be told in the
following narrative.[95] At
length, when it was well on in the night, Belisarius, who had
been fasting up to this time, was with difficulty compelled by
his wife and those of his friends who were present to taste a
very little bread. Thus, then, the two armies passed this
night.
[185]
Based upon the plan in Hodgkin's "Italy and her Invaders."
Edward Stanford Ltd. London
FOOTNOTES:
[89] Having a
white spot, "White-face."
[90] See plan
opposite p. 185.
[91] See plan
opposite p. 185.
[92] For
Procopius' description of the wall "across the Tiber," see
chap. xix. 6-10.
[93] See plan
opposite p. 185.
[94] Cf. Book
IV. xxvii. 38, note.
[95] Chap. xxvii. 25-29.
XIX
But on the following day
they arrayed themselves for the struggle, the Goths thinking to
capture Rome by siege without any trouble on account of the great
size of the city, and the Romans defending it. Now the wall of the city has fourteen large
gates and several smaller ones. And the Goths, being unable with
their entire army to envelop the wall on every side, made six
fortified camps from which they harassed the portion of the wall
containing five gates, from the Flaminian as far as the one
called the Praenestine Gate; and all these camps were made by
them on the left bank of the Tiber River. Wherefore the barbarians feared lest their enemy,
by destroying the bridge which bears the name of Mulvius, should
render inaccessible to them all the land on the right bank of the
river as far as the sea, and in this way have not the slightest
experience of the evils of a siege, and so they fixed a seventh
camp across the Tiber in the Plain of Nero, in order that the
bridge might be between their two armies. So in this way two other gates came to be exposed
to the attacks of the enemy, the Aurelian[96] (which is now named after Peter, the chief of
the Apostles of Christ, since he lies not far from there[97]) and the
Transtiburtine Gate.[98] Thus the Goths surrounded only about one-half
of the wall with their army, but since they were in no direction
wholly shut off from the wall by the river, they made attacks
upon [187]it throughout its whole extent
whenever they wished.
Now the way the Romans came
to build the city-wall on both sides of the river I shall now
proceed to tell. In ancient times the Tiber used to flow
alongside the circuit-wall for a considerable distance, even at
the place where it is now enclosed. But this ground, on which the
wall rises along the stream of the river, is flat and very
accessible. And opposite this
flat ground, across the Tiber, it happens that there is a great
hill[99] where all the mills
of the city have been built from of old, because much water is
brought by an aqueduct to the crest of the hill, and rushes
thence down the incline with great force. For this reason the
ancient Romans[100] determined to surround the hill and the
river bank near it with a wall, so that it might never be
possible for an enemy to destroy the mills, and crossing the
river, to carry on operations with ease against the circuit-wall
of the city. So they decided
to span the river at this point with a bridge, and to attach it
to the wall; and by building many houses in the district across
the river they caused the stream of the Tiber to be in the middle
of the city. So much then for this.
And the Goths dug deep
trenches about all their camps, and heaped up the earth, which
they took out from them, on the inner side of the trenches,
making this bank exceedingly high, and they planted great numbers
of sharp stakes on the top, [189]thus making all their
camps in no way inferior to fortified strongholds. And the camp in the Plain of Nero
was commanded by Marcias (for he had by now arrived from Gaul
with his followers, with whom he was encamped there), and the
rest of the camps were commanded by Vittigis with five others;
for there was one commander for each camp. So the Goths, having taken their positions in this
way, tore open all the aqueducts, so that no water at all might
enter the city from them. Now the aqueducts of Rome are fourteen
in number, and were made of baked brick by the men of old, being
of such breadth and height that it is possible for a man on
horseback to ride in them.[101] And
Belisarius arranged for the defence of the city in the following
manner. He himself held the small Pincian Gate and the gate next
to this on the right, which is named the Salarian. For at these
gates the circuit-wall was assailable, and at the same time it
was possible for the Romans to go out from them against the
enemy. The Praenestine Gate
he gave to Bessas. And at
the Flaminian, which is on the other side of the Pincian, he put
Constantinus in command, having previously closed the gates and
blocked them up most securely by building a wall of great stones
on the inside, so that it might be impossible for anyone to open
them. For since one of the camps was very near, he feared least
some secret plot against the city should be made there by the
enemy. And the remaining gates he ordered the commanders of the
infantry forces to keep under guard. And he closed each of the aqueducts as securely as
possible by filling their channels with masonry for a
consider[191]able distance, to prevent anyone from
entering through them from the outside to do mischief.
But after the aqueducts
had been broken open, as I have stated, the water no longer
worked the mills, and the Romans were quite unable to operate
them with any kind of animals owing to the scarcity of all food
in time of siege; indeed they were scarcely able to provide for
the horses which were indispensable to them. And so Belisarius
hit upon the following device. Just below the bridge[102] which I lately
mentioned as being connected with the circuit-wall, he fastened
ropes from the two banks of the river and stretched them as tight
as he could, and then attached to them two boats side by side and
two feet apart, where the flow of the water comes down from the
arch of the bridge with the greatest force, and placing two mills
on either boat, he hung between them the mechanism by which mills
are customarily turned. And below these he fastened other boats,
each attached to the one next behind in order, and he set the
water-wheels between them in the same manner for a great
distance. So by the force of the flowing water all the wheels,
one after the other, were made to revolve independently, and thus
they worked the mills with which they were connected and ground
sufficient flour for the city. Now when the enemy learned this
from the deserters, they destroyed the wheels in the following
manner. They gathered large trees and bodies of Romans newly
slain and kept throwing them into the river; and the most of
these were carried with the current between the boats and broke
off the mill-wheels. But Belisarius, observing what was being
[193]done, contrived the following device
against it. He fastened above the bridge long iron chains, which
reached completely across the Tiber. All the objects which the
river brought down struck upon these chains, and gathered there
and went no farther. And those to whom this work was assigned
kept pulling out these objects as they came and bore them to the
land. And Belisarius did this, not so much on account of the
mills, as because he began to think with alarm that the enemy
might get inside the bridge at this point with many boats and be
in the middle of the city before their presence became known.
Thus the barbarians abandoned the attempt, since they met with no
success in it. And
thereafter the Romans continued to use these mills; but they were
entirely excluded from the baths because of the scarcity of
water. However, they had sufficient water to drink, since even
for those who lived very far from the river it was possible to
draw water from wells. But
as for the sewers, which carry out from the city whatever is
unclean, Belisarius was not forced to devise any plan of safety,
for they all discharge into the Tiber River, and therefore it was
impossible for any plot to be made against the city by the enemy
in connection with them.
FOOTNOTES:
[96] This is an
error. Procopius means the Porta Cornelia.
[97] According
to tradition the Basilica of St. Peter was built over the grave
of the Apostle.
[98] The
Aurelian.
[99] The
Janiculum.
[100] The wall
described was a part of the wall of Aurelian.
[101] This is
an exaggeration; the channels vary from four to eight feet in
height.
[102] The Pons
Aurelius. See section 10 of this
chapter.
XX
Thus, then, did Belisarius
make his arrangements for the siege. And among the Samnites a
large company of children, who were pasturing flocks in
[195]their own country, chose out two among
them who were well favoured in strength of body, and calling one
of them by the name of Belisarius, and naming the other Vittigis,
bade them wrestle. And they entered into the struggle with the
greatest vehemence and it so fell out that the one who
impersonated Vittigis was thrown. Then the crowd of boys in play
hung him to a tree. But a wolf by some chance appeared there,
whereupon the boys all fled, and the one called Vittigis, who was
suspended from the tree, remained for some time suffering this
punishment and then died. And
when this became known to the Samnites, they did not inflict any
punishment upon these children, but divining the meaning of the
incident declared that Belisarius would conquer decisively. So
much for this.
But the populace of Rome were
entirely unacquainted with the evils of war and siege. When,
therefore, they began to be distressed by their inability to
bathe and the scarcity of provisions, and found themselves
obliged to forgo sleep in guarding the circuit-wall, and
suspected that the city would be captured at no distant date; and
when, at the same time, they saw the enemy plundering their
fields and other possessions, they began to be dissatisfied and
indignant that they, who had done no wrong, should suffer siege
and be brought into peril of such magnitude. And gathering in groups by themselves, they railed
openly against Belisarius, on the ground that he had dared to
take the field against the Goths before he had received an
adequate force from the emperor. And these reproaches against
Belisarius were secretly indulged in also by the members of the
council which [197]they call the senate. And Vittigis, hearing all this from the deserters
and desiring to embroil them with one another still more, and
thinking that in this way the affairs of the Romans would be
thrown into great confusion, sent to Belisarius some envoys,
among whom was Albis. And when
these men came before Belisarius, they spoke as follows in the
presence of the Roman senators and all the commanders of the
army:
"From of old, general, mankind has made true and proper
distinctions in the names they give to things; and one of these
distinctions is this—rashness is different from bravery.
For rashness, when it takes possession of a man, brings him into
danger with discredit, but bravery bestows upon him an adequate
prize in reputation for valour. Now one of these two has brought
you against us, but which it is you will straightway make clear.
For if, on the one hand, you placed your confidence in bravery
when you took the field against the Goths, there is ample
opportunity, noble sir, for you to do the deeds of a brave man,
since you have only to look down from your wall to see the army
of the enemy; but if, on the other hand, it was because you were
possessed by rashness that you came to attack us, certainly you
now repent you of the reckless undertaking. For the opinions of
those who have made a desperate venture are wont to undergo a
change whenever they find themselves in serious straits. Now, therefore, do not cause the
sufferings of these Romans to be prolonged any further, men whom
Theoderic fostered in a life not only of soft luxury but also of
freedom, and cease your resistance to him who is the master both
of the Goths and of the Italians. Is it not monstrous that you
[199]should sit in Rome hemmed in as you
are and in abject terror of the enemy, while the king of this
city passes his time in a fortified camp and inflicts the evils
of war upon his own subjects? But we shall give both you and your
followers an opportunity to take your departure forthwith in
security, retaining all your possessions. For to trample upon
those who have learned to take a new view of prudence we consider
neither holy nor worthy of the ways of men. And, further, we
should gladly ask these Romans what complaints they could have
had against the Goths that they betrayed both us and themselves,
seeing that up to this time they have enjoyed our kindness, and
now are acquainted by experience with the assistance to be
expected from you."
Thus spoke the envoys. And
Belisarius replied as follows: "It is not to rest with you to
choose the moment for conference. For men are by no means wont to
wage war according to the judgment of their enemies, but it is
customary for each one to arrange his own affairs for himself, in
whatever manner seems to him best. But I say to you that there
will come a time when you will want to hide your heads under the
thistles but will find no shelter anywhere. As for Rome,
moreover, which we have captured, in holding it we hold nothing
which belongs to others, but it was you who trespassed upon this
city in former times, though it did not belong to you at all, and
now you have given it back, however unwillingly, to its ancient
possessors. And whoever of you has hopes of setting foot in Rome
without a fight is mistaken in his judgment. For as long as
Belisarius lives, it is impossible for him to relinquish this
city." Such were the words of
Belisarius. But the Romans, [201]being overcome by a
great fear, sat in silence, and, even though they were abused by
the envoys at length for their treason to the Goths, dared make
no reply to them, except, indeed, that Fidelius saw fit to taunt
them. This man was then
praetorian prefect, having been appointed to the office by
Belisarius, and for this reason he seemed above all others to be
well disposed toward the emperor.
XXI
The envoys then betook
themselves to their own army. And when Vittigis enquired of them
what manner of man Belisarius was and how his purpose stood with
regard to the question of withdrawing from Rome, they replied
that the Goths were hoping for vain things if they supposed that
they would frighten Belisarius in any way whatsoever. And when Vittigis heard this, he began
in great earnest to plan an assault upon the wall, and the preparations he made for the
attempt upon the fortifications were as follows. He constructed wooden towers equal in
height to the enemy's wall, and he discovered its true measure by
making many calculations based upon the courses of stone. And
wheels were attached to the floor of these towers under each
corner, which were intended, as they turned, to move the towers
to any point the attacking army might wish at a given time, and
the towers were drawn by oxen yoked together. After this he made
ready a great number of ladders, that would reach as far as the
parapet, and four engines which are called rams. Now this [203]engine
is of the following sort. Four upright wooden beams, equal in
length, are set up opposite one another. To these beams they fit
eight horizontal timbers, four above and an equal number at the
base, thus binding them together. After they have thus made the
frame of a four-sided building, they surround it on all sides,
not with walls of wood or stone, but with a covering of hides, in
order that the engine may be light for those who draw it and that
those within may still be in the least possible danger of being
shot by their opponents. And on the inside they hang another
horizontal beam from the top by means of chains which swing free,
and they keep it at about the middle of the interior. They then
sharpen the end of this beam and cover it with a large iron head,
precisely as they cover the round point of a missile, or they
sometimes make the iron head square like an anvil. And the whole
structure is raised upon four wheels, one being attached to each
upright beam, and men to the number of no fewer than fifty to
each ram move it from the inside. Then when they apply it to the
wall, they draw back the beam which I have just mentioned by
turning a certain mechanism, and then they let it swing forward
with great force against the wall. And this beam by frequent
blows is able quite easily to batter down and tear open a wall
wherever it strikes, and it is for this reason that the engine
has the name it bears, because the striking end of the beam,
projecting as it does, is accustomed to butt against whatever it
may encounter, precisely as do the males among sheep. Such, then,
are the rams used by the assailants of a wall. And the Goths were
holding in readiness an exceedingly great number of bundles of
faggots, [205]which they had made of pieces of wood
and reeds, in order that by throwing them into the moat they
might make the ground level, and that their engines might not be
prevented from crossing it. Now after the Goths had made their
preparations in this manner, they were eager to make an assault
upon the wall.
But Belisarius placed
upon the towers engines which they call "ballistae."[103] Now these engines
have the form of a bow, but on the under side of them a grooved
wooden shaft projects; this shaft is so fitted to the bow that it
is free to move, and rests upon a straight iron bed. So when men
wish to shoot at the enemy with this, they make the parts of the
bow which form the ends bend toward one another by means of a
short rope fastened to them, and they place in the grooved shaft
the arrow, which is about one half the length of the ordinary
missiles which they shoot from bows, but about four times as
wide. However, it does not have feathers of the usual sort
attached to it, but by inserting thin pieces of wood in place of
feathers, they give it in all respects the form of an arrow,
making the point which they put on very large and in keeping with
its thickness. And the men who stand on either side wind it up
tight by means of certain appliances, and then the grooved shaft
shoots forward and stops, but the missile is discharged from the
shaft,[104] and with such force that it [207]attains the distance of not less than
two bow-shots, and that, when it hits a tree or a rock, it
pierces it easily. Such is the engine which bears this name,
being so called because it shoots with very great force.[105] And they fixed
other engines along the parapet of the wall adapted for throwing
stones. Now these resemble
slings and are called "wild asses."[106] And
outside the gates they placed "wolves,"[107] which they make in the following manner.
They set up two timbers which reach from the ground to the
battlements; then they fit together beams which have been
mortised to one another, placing some upright and others
crosswise, so that the spaces between the intersections appear as
a succession of holes. And from every joint there projects a kind
of beak, which resembles very closely a thick goad. Then they
fasten the cross-beams to the two upright timbers, beginning at
the top and letting them extend half way down, and then lean the
timbers back against the gates. And whenever the enemy come up
near them, those above lay hold of the ends of the timbers and
push, and these, falling suddenly upon the assailants, easily
kill with the projecting beaks as many as they may catch. So
Belisarius was thus engaged.
FOOTNOTES:
[209]
[103] Cf. The
description of the ballista and other engines of war in Ammianus
Marcellinus, XXII. iv. The engine here described by Procopius is
the catapult of earlier times; the ballista hurled stones, not
arrows. See the Classical Dictionaries for illustrations.
[104]The
"shaft" is a holder for the missile, and it (not the missile) is
driven by the bowstring. When the holder stops, the missile goes
on.
[105]A popular
etymology of ἁλλιστρα,
a corrupted form of βἁλλιςτα;
the point is in the Greek words βἁλλω
+ μἁλιστα,
an etymology correct only as far as βἁλλω
is concerned.
[106] Called
also "scorpions"; described by Ammianus, l.c.
[107] This
contrivance was not one familiar to classical times. The "lupi"
of Livy XXVIII. iii. were hooks; Vegetius, De Re Militari,
ii. 25 and iv. 23, mentions "lupi" (also hooks), used to put a
battering-ram out of action.
XXII
On the eighteenth day
from the beginning of the siege the Goths moved against the
fortifications at about sunrise under the leadership of Vittigis
in order to assault the wall, and all the Romans were struck with
consternation at the sight of the advancing towers and rams, with
which they were altogether unfamiliar. But Belisarius, seeing the ranks of the enemy as
they advanced with the engines, began to laugh, and commanded the
soldiers to remain quiet and under no circumstances to begin
fighting until he himself should give the signal. Now the reason
why he laughed he did not reveal at the moment, but later it
became known. The Romans, however, supposing him to be hiding his
real feelings by a jest, abused him and called him shameless, and
were indignant that he did not try to check the enemy as they
came forward. But when the
Goths came near the moat, the general first of all stretched his
bow and with a lucky aim hit in the neck and killed one of the
men in armour who were leading the army on. And he fell on his
back mortally wounded, while the whole Roman army raised an
extraordinary shout such as was never heard before, thinking that
they had received an excellent omen. And twice did Belisarius
send forth his bolt, and the very same thing happened again a
second time, and the shouting rose still louder from the
circuit-wall, and the Romans thought that the enemy were
conquered already. Then Belisarius gave the signal for the
[211]whole army to put their bows into
action, but those near himself he commanded to shoot only at the
oxen. And all the oxen fell
immediately, so that the enemy could neither move the towers
further nor in their perplexity do anything to meet the emergency
while the fighting was in progress. In this way the forethought
of Belisarius in not trying to check the enemy while still at a
great distance came to be understood, as well as the reason why
he had laughed at the simplicity of the barbarians, who had been
so thoughtless as to hope to bring oxen up to the enemy's wall.
Now all this took place at the Salarian Gate. But Vittigis,
repulsed at this point, left there a large force of Goths, making
of them a very deep phalanx and instructing the commanders on no
condition to make an assault upon the fortifications, but
remaining in position to shoot rapidly at the parapet, and give
Belisarius no opportunity whatever to take reinforcements to any
other part of the wall which he himself might propose to attack
with a superior force; he
then went to the Praenestine Gate with a great force, to a part
of the fortifications which the Romans call the
"Vivarium,"[108] where the wall was most assailable. Now it so happened that engines of
war were already there, including towers and rams and a great
number of ladders.
But in the meantime
another Gothic assault was being made at the Aurelian
Gate[109] in the following
manner. The tomb of the Roman Emperor Hadrian[110] stands outside the
Aurelian Gate, removed about a stone's throw from the
fortifications, a very note[213]worthy sight. For it is made of Parian marble,
and the stones fit closely one upon the other, having nothing at
all[111] between them.
And it has four sides
which are all equal, each being about a stone's throw in length,
while their height exceeds that of the city wall; and above there
are statues of the same marble, representing men and horses, of
wonderful workmanship.[112] But since this tomb seemed to the men of
ancient times a fortress threatening the city, they enclosed it
by two walls, which extend to it from the circuit-wall,[113] and thus made it a
part of the wall. And, indeed, it gives the appearance of a high
tower built as a bulwark before the gate there. So the
fortifications at that point were most adequate. Now Constantinus, as it happened,
had been appointed by Belisarius to have charge of the garrison
at this tomb. And he had instructed him also to attend to the
guarding of the adjoining wall, which had a small and
inconsiderable garrison. For, since that part of the circuit-wall was the
least assailable of all, because the river flows along it, he
supposed that no assault would be made there, and so stationed an
insignificant garrison at that place, and, since the soldiers he
had were few, he assigned the great majority to the positions
where there was most need of them. For the emperor's army gathered in Rome at the
beginning of this siege amounted at most to [215]only
five thousand men. But
since it was reported to Constantinus that the enemy were
attempting the crossing of the Tiber, he became fearful for that
part of the fortifications and went thither himself with all
speed, accompanied by some few men to lend assistance, commanding
the greater part of his men to attend to the guarding of the gate
and the tomb. But
meanwhile the Goths began an assault upon the Aurelian Gate and
the Tower of Hadrian, and though they had no engines of war, they
brought up a great quantity of ladders, and thought that by
shooting a vast number of arrows they would very easily reduce
the enemy to a state of helplessness and overpower the garrison
there without any trouble on account of its small numbers.
And as they advanced, they
held before them shields no smaller than the long shields used by
the Persians, and they succeeded in getting very close to their
opponents without being perceived by them. For they came hidden under the colonnade which
extends[114] to the church of the Apostle Peter. From
that shelter they suddenly appeared and began the attack, so that
the guards were neither able to use the engine called the
ballista (for these engines do not send their missiles except
straight out), nor, indeed, could they ward off their assailants
with their arrows, since the situation was against them on
account of the large shields. But the Goths kept pressing
vigorously upon them, shooting many missiles at the battlements,
and they were already about to set their ladders against the
wall, having practically surrounded those who were fighting from
the tomb; for whenever the Goths advanced they always got in the
rear of the Romans [217]on both flanks[115]; and for a short time consternation
fell upon the Romans, who knew not what means of defence they
should employ to save themselves, but afterwards by common
agreement they broke in pieces the most of the statues, which
were very large, and taking up great numbers of stones thus
secured, threw them with both hands down upon the heads of the
enemy, who gave way before this shower of missiles. And as they
retreated a little way, the Romans, having by now the advantage,
plucked up courage, and with a mighty shout began to drive back
their assailants by using their bows and hurling stones at them.
And putting their hands to the engines, they reduced their
opponents to great fear, and their assault was quickly ended.
And by this time
Constantinus also was present, having frightened back those who
had tried the river and easily driven them off, because they did
not find the wall there entirely unguarded, as they had supposed
they would. And thus safety was restored at the Aurelian
Gate.[116]
FOOTNOTES:
[108] See
chap. xxiii. 15-17 and note.
[109]
Procopius errs again (cf. chap. xix. 4).
He means the Porta Cornelia.
[110] Now
called Castello di Sant' Angelo.
[111]
i.e. No mortar or other binding material.
[112] The
square structure was the base of the monument, each side
measuring 300 Roman feet in length and 85 feet in height. Above
this rose a cylindrical drum, surrounded by columns and carrying
the statues, and perhaps capped by a second drum. For details see
Jordan, Topographie der Stadt Rom, iii. 663 ff.
[113]
Procopius neglects to say that the tomb was across the river from
the circuit-wall at this point, at the end of a bridge (Pons
Aelius) which faced the gate (Porta Cornelia) which he calls the
Aurelian Gate.
[114] From the
Pons Aelius.
[115] Because
of the quadrangular shape of the building the Goths were able to
take their enemy in flank and in rear by advancing beyond the
corners.
[116]
i.e. the Cornelian.
XXIII
But at the gate beyond
the Tiber River, which is called the Pancratian Gate, a force of
the enemy came, but accomplished nothing worth mentioning because
of the strength of the place; for the fortifications of the city
at this point are on a steep elevation and are not favourably
situated for assaults. Paulus was keeping guard there with an infantry
detachment which he commanded in person. In [219]like
manner they made no attempt on the Flaminian Gate, because it is
situated on a precipitous slope and is not very easy of access.
The "Reges,"[117] an infantry
detachment, were keeping guard there with Ursicinus, who
commanded them. And
between this gate and the small gate next on the right, which is
called the Pincian, a certain portion of the wall had split open
of its own accord in ancient times, not clear to the ground,
however, but about half way down, but still it had not fallen or
been otherwise destroyed, though it leaned so to either side that
one part of it appeared outside the rest of the wall and the
other inside. And from
this circumstance the Romans from ancient times have called the
place "Broken Wall"[118] in their own tongue. But when Belisarius in
the beginning undertook to tear down this portion and rebuild it,
the Romans prevented him, declaring that the Apostle Peter had
promised them that he would care for the guarding of the wall
there. This Apostle is reverenced by the Romans and held in awe
above all others. And the outcome of events at this place was in
all respects what the Romans contemplated and expected. For neither on that day nor
throughout the whole time during which the Goths were besieging
Rome did any hostile force come to that place, nor did any
disturbance occur there. And we marvelled indeed that it never occurred to
us nor to the enemy to remember this portion of the [221]fortifications during the whole time,
either while they were making their assaults or carrying out
their designs against the wall by night; and yet many such
attempts were made. It was
for this reason, in fact, that at a later time also no one
ventured to rebuild this part of the defences, but up to the
present day the wall there is split open in this way. So much,
then, for this.
And at the Salarian
Gate a Goth of goodly stature and a capable warrior, wearing a
corselet and having a helmet on his head, a man who was of no
mean station in the Gothic nation, refused to remain in the ranks
with his comrades, but stood by a tree and kept shooting many
missiles at the parapet. But this man by some chance was hit by a missile
from an engine which was on a tower at his left. And passing through the corselet
and the body of the man, the missile sank more than half its
length into the tree, and pinning him to the spot where it
entered the tree, it suspended him there a corpse. And when this
was seen by the Goths they fell into great fear, and getting
outside the range of missiles, they still remained in line, but
no longer harassed those on the wall.
But Bessas and
Peranius summoned Belisarius, since Vittigis was pressing most
vigorously upon them at the Vivarium. And he was fearful
concerning the wall there (for it was most assailable at that
point, as has been said[119]), and so came to the rescue himself with all
speed, leaving one of his friends at [223]the
Salarian Gate. And
finding that the soldiers in the Vivarium dreaded the attack of
the enemy, which was being pressed with great vigour and by very
large numbers, he bade them look with contempt upon the enemy and
thus restored their confidence. Now the ground there[120] was very level, and consequently the place
lay open to the attacks of any assailant. And for some reason the
wall at that point had crumbled a great deal, and to such an
extent that the binding of the bricks did not hold together very
well. Consequently the
ancient Romans had built another wall of short length outside of
it and encircling it, not for the sake of safety (for it was
neither strengthened with towers, nor indeed was there any
battlement built upon it, nor any other means by which it would
have been possible to repulse an enemy's assault upon the
fortifications), but in order to provide for an unseemly kind of
luxury, namely, that they might confine and keep there lions and
other wild animals. And it is for this reason that this place has
been named the Vivarium; for thus the Romans call a place where
untamed animals are regularly cared for. So Vittigis began to make ready various engines
at different places along the wall and commanded the Goths to
mine the outside wall, thinking that, if they should get inside
that, they would have no trouble in capturing the main wall,
which he knew to be by no means strong. But Belisarius, seeing
that the enemy was undermining the Vivarium and assaulting the
fortifications at many places, neither [225]allowed the soldiers to defend the
wall nor to remain at the battlement, except a very few, although
he had with him whatever men of distinction the army contained.
But he held them all in readiness below about the gates, with
their corselets on and carrying only swords in their hands.
And when the Goths,
after making a breach in the wall, got inside the Vivarium, he
quickly sent Cyprian with some others into the enclosure against
them, commanding them to set to work. And they slew all who had broken in, for these
made no defence and at the same time were being destroyed by one
another in the cramped space about the exit. And since the enemy
were thrown into dismay by the sudden turn of events and were not
drawn up in order, but were rushing one in one direction and one
in another, Belisarius suddenly opened the gates of the
circuit-wall and sent out his entire army against his opponents.
And the Goths had not the least thought of resistance, but rushed
off in flight in any and every direction, while the Romans,
following them up, found no difficulty in killing all whom they
fell in with, and the pursuit proved a long one, since the Goths,
in assaulting the wall at that place, were far away from their
own camps. Then Belisarius gave the order to burn the enemy's
engines, and the flames, rising to a great height, naturally
increased the consternation of the fugitives.
Meanwhile it chanced
that the same thing happened at the Salarian Gate also. For the Romans suddenly opened
the gates and fell unexpectedly upon the barbarians, and, as
these made no resistance but turned their backs, slew them; and
they [227]burned the engines of war which were
within their reach. And the flames at many parts of the wall rose
to a great height, and the Goths were already being forced to
retire from the whole circuit-wall; and the shouting on both
sides was exceedingly loud, as the men on the wall urged on the
pursuers, and those in the camps bewailed the overwhelming
calamity they had suffered. Among the Goths there perished on
that day thirty thousand, as their leaders declared, and a larger
number were wounded; for since they were massed in great numbers,
those fighting from the battlement generally hit somebody when
they shot at them, and at the same time those who made the
sallies destroyed an extraordinary number of terrified and
fleeing men. And the fighting at the wall, which had commenced
early in the morning, did not end until late in the afternoon.
During that night, then,
both armies bivouacked where they were, the Romans singing the
song of victory on the fortifications and lauding Belisarius to
the skies, having with them the spoils stripped from the fallen,
while the Goths cared for their wounded and bewailed their
dead.
FOOTNOTES:
[117] "No
doubt these are the same as the Regii, one of the
seventeen 'Auxilia Palatina' under the command of the Magister
Militum Praesentalis, mentioned in the Notitia Orientis,
chap.
v."—Hodgkin.
[118] Murus
Ruptus. "Here, to this day, notwithstanding some lamentable and
perfectly unnecessary 'restorations' of recent years, may be seen
some portions of the Muro Torto, a twisted, bulging, overhanging
mass of opus reticulatum."—Hodgkin.
[119] Chap.
xxii. 10.
[120] The
exact location is hard to determine; the majority of the
authorities agree on the location given in the plan (opposite
p. 185), near the Porta Labicana.
XXIV
And Belisarius wrote a
letter to the emperor of the following purport: "We have arrived
in Italy, as thou didst command, and we have made ourselves
masters of much territory in it and have taken possession of Rome
also, after driving out the barbarians who were here, whose
leader, Leuderis, I have recently sent to you. But since we have stationed [229]a
great number of soldiers both in Sicily and in Italy to guard the
strongholds which we have proved able to capture, our army has in
consequence been reduced to only five thousand men. But the enemy
have come against us, gathered together to the number of one
hundred and fifty thousand. And first of all, when we went out to spy upon
their forces along the Tiber River and were compelled, contrary
to our intention, to engage with them, we lacked only a little of
being buried under a multitude of spears. And after this, when
the barbarians attacked the wall with their whole army and
assaulted the fortifications at every point with sundry engines
of war, they came within a little of capturing both us and the
city at the first onset, and they would have succeeded had not
some chance snatched us from ruin. For achievements which
transcend the nature of things may not properly and fittingly be
ascribed to man's valour, but to a stronger power. Now all that
has been achieved by us hitherto, whether it has been due to some
kind fortune or to valour, is for the best; but as to our
prospects from now on, I could wish better things for thy cause.
However, I shall never hide from you anything that it is my duty
to say and yours to do, knowing that while human affairs follow
whatever course may be in accordance with God's will, yet those
who are in charge of any enterprise always win praise or blame
according to their own deeds. Therefore let both arms and
soldiers be sent to us in such numbers that from now on we may
engage with the enemy in this war with an equality of strength.
For one ought not to trust everything to fortune, since fortune,
on its part, is not given to following the same course
[231]forever. But do thou, O Emperor, take
this thought to heart, that if at this time the barbarians win
the victory over us, we shall be cast out of Italy which is thine
and shall lose the army in addition, and besides all this we
shall have to bear the shame, however great it may be, that
attaches to our conduct. For I refrain from saying that we should
also be regarded as having ruined the Romans, men who have held
their safety more lightly than their loyalty to thy kingdom.
Consequently, if this should happen, the result for us will be
that the successes we have won thus far will in the end prove to
have been but a prelude to calamities. For if it had so happened
that we had been repulsed from Rome and Campania and, at a much
earlier time, from Sicily, we should only be feeling the sting of
the lightest of all misfortunes, that of having found ourselves
unable to grow wealthy on the possessions of others. And again, this too is worthy of
consideration by you, that it has never been possible even for
many times ten thousand men to guard Rome for any considerable
length of time, since the city embraces a large territory, and,
because it is not on the sea, is shut off from all supplies. And
although at the present time the Romans are well disposed toward
us, yet when their troubles are prolonged, they will probably not
hesitate to choose the course which is better for their own
interests. For when men
have entered into friendship with others on the spur of the
moment, it is not while they are in evil fortune, but while they
prosper, that they are accustomed to keep faith with them.
Furthermore, the Romans will be compelled by hunger to do many
things they would prefer not to do.[233] Now as for me, I know I am bound even to die for
thy kingdom, and for this reason no man will ever be able to
remove me from this city while I live; but I beg thee to consider
what kind of a fame such an end of Belisarius would bring
thee."
Such was the letter
written by Belisarius. And the emperor, greatly distressed, began
in haste to gather an army and ships, and sent orders to the
troops of Valerian and Martinus[121] to proceed with all speed. For they had been sent, as it
happened, with another army at about the winter solstice, with
instructions to sail to Italy. But they had sailed as far as Greece, and since
they were unable to force their way any farther, they were
passing the winter in the land of Aetolia and Acarnania. And the Emperor Justinian sent
word of all this to Belisarius, and thus filled him and all the
Romans with still greater courage and confirmed their zeal.
At this time it so
happened that the following event took place in Naples. There was
in the market-place a picture of Theoderic, the ruler of the
Goths, made by means of sundry stones which were exceedingly
small and tinted with nearly every colour. At one time during the
life of Theoderic it had come to pass that the head of this
picture fell apart, the stones as they had been set having become
disarranged without having been touched by anyone, and by a
coincidence Theoderic finished his life forthwith. And eight years later the stones
which formed the body of the picture fell apart suddenly, and
Atalaric, the grandson of Theoderic, immediately died. And after the passage of a short
time, the [235]stones about the groin fell to the
ground, and Amalasuntha, the child of Theoderic, passed from the
world. Now these things had already happened as described.
But when the Goths began
the siege of Rome, as chance would have it, the portion of the
picture from the thighs to the tips of the feet fell into ruin,
and thus the whole picture disappeared from the wall. And the
Romans, divining the meaning of the incident, maintained that the
emperor's army would be victorious in the war, thinking that the
feet of Theoderic were nothing else than the Gothic people whom
he ruled, and, in consequence, they became still more
hopeful.
In Rome, moreover, some
of the patricians brought out the Sibylline oracles,[122] declaring that the
danger which had come to the city would continue only up till the
month of July. For it was
fated that at that time someone should be appointed king over the
Romans, and thenceforth Rome should have no longer any Getic
peril to fear; for they say that the Goths are of the Getic race.
And the oracle was as
follows: "In the fifth (Quintilis) month ... under ... as king
nothing Getic longer...." And they declared that the "fifth month" was
July, some because the siege began on the first day of March,
from which July is the fifth month, others because March was
considered the first month until the reign of Numa, the full year
before that time containing ten months and our July for this
reason [237]having its name Quintilis. But after
all, none of these predictions came true. For neither was a king appointed over the Romans
at that time, nor was the siege destined to be broken up until a
year later, and Rome was again to come into similar perils in the
reign of Totila, ruler of the Goths, as will be told by me in the
subsequent narrative.[123] For it seems to me that the oracle does not
indicate this present attack of the barbarians, but some other
attack which has either happened already or will come at some
later time. Indeed, in my
opinion, it is impossible for a mortal man to discover the
meaning of the Sibyl's oracles before the actual event. The reason for this I shall now
set forth, having read all the oracles in question. The Sibyl does not invariably
mention events in their order, much less construct a
well-arranged narrative, but after uttering some verse or other
concerning the troubles in Libya she leaps straightway to the
land of Persia, thence proceeds to mention the Romans, and then
transfers the narrative to the Assyrians. And again, while
uttering prophecies about the Romans, she foretells the
misfortunes of the Britons. For this reason it is impossible for
any man soever to comprehend the oracles of the Sibyl before the
event, and it is only time itself, after the event has already
come to pass and the words can be tested by experience, that can
shew itself an accurate interpreter of her sayings. But as for
these things, let each one reason as he desires. But I shall
return to the point from which I have strayed.
FOOTNOTES:
[121] Leaders
of foederati; see Book III. xi. 4-6; they had been recalled from
Africa to Byzantium, cf. Book IV. xix. 2.
[122] The
story of the origin of these oracles is given in Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, Ant. Rom. IV. lxii. They were burned with
the Capitol in 83 b.c. The second
collection was burned by Stilicho in 405 a.d. The oracles Procopius saw (cf. §
35 of this chapter) were therefore a
third collection.
[123] Book
VII. xx.
[239]
XXV
When the Goths had been repulsed in the fight at the wall,
each army bivouacked that night in the manner already
described.[124] But on
the following day Belisarius commanded all the Romans to remove
their women and children to Naples, and also such of their
domestics as they thought would not be needed by them for the
guarding of the wall, his purpose being, naturally, to forestall
a scarcity of provisions. And he issued orders to the soldiers to
do the same thing, in case anyone had a male or female attendant.
For, he went on to say, he was no longer able while besieged to
provide them with food to the customary amount, but they would
have to accept one half their daily ration in actual supplies,
taking the remainder in silver. So they proceeded to carry out
his instructions. And immediately a great throng set out for
Campania. Now some, who had
the good fortune to secure such boats as were lying at anchor in
the harbour[125] of Rome, secured passage, but the rest went
on foot by the road which is called the Appian Way. And no danger
or fear, as far as the besiegers were concerned, arose to disturb
either those who travelled this way on foot or those who set out
from the harbour. For, on the
one hand, the enemy were unable to surround the whole of Rome
with their camps on account of the great size of the city, and,
on the other, they did not dare to be found far from the camps in
small [241]companies, fearing the sallies of
their opponents. And on this account abundant opportunity was
afforded for some time to the besieged both to move out of the
city and to bring provisions into it from outside. And especially
at night the barbarians were always in great fear, and so they
merely posted guards and remained quietly in their camps.
For parties were continually
issuing from the city, and especially Moors in great numbers, and
whenever they found their enemies either asleep or walking about
in small companies (as is accustomed to happen often in a large
army, the men going out not only to attend to the needs of
nature, but also to pasture horses and mules and such animals as
are suitable for food), they would kill them and speedily strip
them, and if perchance a larger number of the enemy should fall
upon them, they would retire on the run, being men swift of foot
by nature and lightly equipped, and always distancing their
pursuers in the flight. Consequently, the great majority were
able to withdraw from Rome, and some went to Campania, some to
Sicily, and others wherever they thought it was easier or better
to go. But Belisarius saw
that the number of soldiers at his command was by no means
sufficient for the whole circuit of the wall, for they were few,
as I have previously stated,[126] and the same men could not keep guard
constantly without sleeping, but some would naturally be taking
their sleep while others were stationed on guard. At the same time he saw that the
greatest part of the populace were hard pressed by poverty and in
want of the necessities of life; [243]for since they were men
who worked with their hands, and all they had was what they got
from day to day, and since they had been compelled to be idle on
account of the siege, they had no means of procuring provisions.
For these reasons Belisarius
mingled soldiers and citizens together and distributed them to
each post, appointing a certain fixed wage for an unenlisted man
for each day. In this way companies were made up which were
sufficient for the guarding of the wall, and the duty of keeping
guard on the fortifications during a stated night was assigned to
each company, and the members of the companies all took turns in
standing guard. In this manner, then, Belisarius did away with
the distress of both soldiers and citizens.
But a suspicion arose
against Silverius, the chief priest of the city, that he was
engaged in treasonable negotiations with the Goths, and
Belisarius sent him immediately to Greece, and a little later
appointed another man, Vigilius by name, to the office of chief
priest. And he banished from
Rome on the same charge some of the senators, but later, when the
enemy had abandoned the siege and retired, he restored them again
to their homes. Among these
was Maximus, whose ancestor Maximus[127] had committed the crime against the Emperor
Valentinian. And fearing
lest the guards at the gates should become involved in a plot,
and lest someone should gain access from the outside with intent
to corrupt them with money, twice in each month he destroyed all
the keys and had new ones made, each time of a different design,
and he also changed the guards to other posts which were far
removed from those they [245]had formerly occupied, and every
night he set different men in charge of those who were doing
guard-duty on the fortifications. And it was the duty of these
officers to make the rounds of a section of the wall, taking
turns in this work, and to write down the names of the guards,
and if anyone was missing from that section, they put another man
on duty in his stead for the moment, and on the morrow reported
the missing man to Belisarius himself, whoever he might be, in
order that the fitting punishment might be given him. And he ordered musicians to play
their instruments on the fortifications at night, and he
continually sent detachments of soldiers, especially Moors,
outside the walls, whose duty it was always to pass the night
about the moat, and he sent dogs with them in order that no one
might approach the fortifications, even at a distance, without
being detected.
At that time some of the
Romans attempted secretly to force open the doors of the temple
of Janus. This Janus was the first of the ancient gods whom the
Romans call in their own tongue "Penates."[128] And he has his temple in that part of the forum
in front of the senate-house which lies a little above the "Tria
Fata"[129]; for thus the Romans are accustomed to call
the Moirai.[130] And the temple is entirely of bronze and was
erected in the form of a square, but it is only large enough to
cover the statue of Janus. Now this statue, is of bronze, and [247]not
less than five cubits high; in all other respects it resembles a
man, but its head has two faces, one of which is turned toward
the east and the other toward the west. And there are brazen doors fronting each face,
which the Romans in olden times were accustomed to close in time
of peace and prosperity, but when they had war they opened them.
But when the Romans came to
honour, as truly as any others, the teachings of the Christians,
they gave up the custom of opening these doors, even when they
were at war. During this siege, however, some, I suppose, who had
in mind the old belief, attempted secretly to open them, but they
did not succeed entirely, and moved the doors only so far that
they did not close tightly against one another as formerly. And
those who had attempted to do this escaped detection; and no
investigation of the act was made, as was natural in a time of
great confusion, since it did not become known to the commanders,
nor did it reach the ears of the multitude, except of a very
few.
FOOTNOTES:
[124] Chap.
xxiii. 27.
[125] At this
time the town of Portus, on the north side of the Tiber's mouths,
Ostia, on the south side, having been long neglected. Cf. chap.
xxvi. 7, 8.
[126] Five
thousand; cf. chap. xxiv. 2.
[127] Book
III. iv. 36.
[128] Janus
was an old Italian divinity, whose worship was said to have been
introduced by Romulus. We are not told by anyone else that he was
included among the Penates, but the statement is doubtless
true.
[129] "This
temple of Janus—the most celebrated, but not the only one
in Rome—must have stood a little to the right of the Arch
of Septimius Severus (as one looks toward the Capitol) and a
little in front of the Mamertine Prison."—Hodgkin. The "Tria Fata" were three ancient
statues of Sibyls which stood by the Rostra.
[130]
i.e. the Fates.
XXVI
Now Vittigis, in his
anger and perplexity, first sent some of his bodyguards to
Ravenna with orders to kill all the Roman senators whom he had
taken there at the beginning of this war. And some of them, learning of this beforehand,
succeeded in making their escape, among them being Vergentinus
and Reparatus, the brother of Vigilius, the chief priest of Rome,
both of whom betook them[249]selves into Liguria and remained
there; but all the rest were destroyed. After this Vittigis, seeing that the enemy were
enjoying a large degree of freedom, not only in taking out of the
city whatever they wished, but also in bringing in provisions
both by land and by sea, decided to seize the harbour, which the
Romans call "Portus."
This harbour is distant
from the city one hundred and twenty-six stades; for Rome lacks
only so much of being on the sea; and it is situated where the
Tiber River has its mouth.[131] Now as
the Tiber flows down from Rome, and reaches a point rather near
the sea, about fifteen stades from it, the stream divides into
two parts and makes there the Sacred Island, as it is called.
As the river flows on the
island becomes wider, so that the measure of its breadth
corresponds to its length, for the two streams have between them
a distance of fifteen stades; and the Tiber remains navigable on
both sides. Now the portion
of the river on the right empties into the harbour, and beyond
the mouth the Romans in ancient times built on the shore a
city,[132] which is surrounded by an exceedingly strong
wall; and it is called, like the harbour, "Portus." But on the left at the point where
the other part of the Tiber empties into the sea is situated the
city of Ostia, lying beyond the place where the river-bank ends,
a place of great consequence in olden times, but now entirely
without walls. Moreover, the
Romans [251]at the very beginning made a road
leading from Portus to Rome, which was smooth and presented no
difficulty of any kind. And many barges are always anchored in the
harbour ready for service, and no small number of oxen stand in
readiness close by. Now
when the merchants reach the harbour with their ships, they
unload their cargoes and place them in the barges, and sail by
way of the Tiber to Rome; but they do not use sails or oars at
all, for the boats cannot be propelled in the stream by any wind
since the river winds about exceedingly and does not follow a
straight course, nor can oars be employed, either, since the
force of the current is always against them. Instead of using
such means, therefore, they fasten ropes from the barges to the
necks of oxen, and so draw them just like waggons up to Rome.
But on the other side of
the river, as one goes from the city of Ostia to Rome, the road
is shut in by woods and in general lies neglected, and is not
even near the bank of the Tiber, since there is no towing of
barges on that road.
So the Goths, finding
the city at the harbour unguarded, captured it at the first onset
and slew many of the Romans who lived there, and so took
possession of the harbour as well as the city. And they established a thousand of
their number there as guards, while the remainder returned to the
camps. In consequence of
this move it was impossible for the besieged to bring in the
goods which came by sea, except by way of Ostia, a route which
naturally involved great labour and danger besides. For the[253] Roman
ships were not even able to put in there any longer, but they
anchored at Anthium,[133] a day's journey distant from Ostia. And they
found great difficulty in carrying the cargoes thence to Rome,
the reason for this being the scarcity of men. For Belisarius, fearing for the
fortifications of Rome, had been unable to strengthen the harbour
with any garrison at all, though I think that if even three
hundred men had been on guard there, the barbarians would never have made an attempt
on the place, which is exceedingly strong.
FOOTNOTES:
[131] The
northern mouth.
[132] The
Emperor Claudius cut the northern channel for the river, in order
to prevent inundations of Rome, and made the "Portus Claudii,"
opening to the sea, near its mouth; a second enclosed harbour,
adjoining that of Claudius, was built by Trajan.
[133]
i.e. Antium.
XXVII
This exploit, then, was
accomplished by the Goths on the third day after they were
repulsed in the assault on the wall. But twenty days after the city and harbour of
Portus were captured, Martinus and Valerian arrived, bringing
with them sixteen hundred horsemen, the most of whom were Huns
and Sclaveni[134] and Antae,[135] who are settled above the Ister River not
far from its banks. And Belisarius was pleased by their coming
and thought that thenceforth his army ought to carry the war
against the enemy. On the
following day, accordingly, he commanded one of his own
bodyguards, Trajan by name, an impetuous and active fighter, to
take two hundred horsemen of the guards and go straight towards
the enemy, and as soon as they came near the camps to go up on a
high hill (which he pointed out to him)[255] and
remain quietly there. And if the enemy should come against them,
he was not to allow the battle to come to close quarters, nor to
touch sword or spear in any case, but to use bows only, and as
soon as he should find that his quiver had no more arrows in it,
he was to flee as hard as he could with no thought of shame and
retire to the fortifications on the run. Having given these
instructions, he held in readiness both the engines for shooting
arrows and the men skilled in their use. Then Trajan with the two hundred men went out
from the Salarian Gate against the camp of the enemy. And they,
being filled with amazement at the suddenness of the thing,
rushed out from the camps, each man equipping himself as well as
he could. But the men under Trajan galloped to the top of the
hill which Belisarius had shewn them, and from there began to
ward off the barbarians with missiles. And since their shafts
fell among a dense throng, they were for the most part successful
in hitting a man or a horse. But when all their missiles had at
last failed them, they rode off to the rear with all speed, and
the Goths kept pressing upon them in pursuit. But when they came
near the fortifications, the operators of the engines began to
shoot arrows from them, and the barbarians became terrified and
abandoned the pursuit. And it is said that not less than one
thousand Goths perished in this action. A few days later Belisarius sent Mundilas,
another of his own bodyguard, and Diogenes, both exceptionally
capable warriors, with three hundred guardsmen, [257]commanding them to do the same thing
as the others had done before. And they acted according to his instructions.
Then, when the enemy confronted them, the result of the encounter
was that no fewer than in the former action, perhaps even more,
perished in the same way. And sending even a third time the guardsman
Oilas with three hundred horsemen, with instructions to handle
the enemy in the same way, he accomplished the same result. So in
making these three sallies, in the manner told by me, Belisarius
destroyed about four thousand of his antagonists.
But Vittigis, failing
to take into account the difference between the two armies in
point of equipment of arms and of practice in warlike deeds,
thought that he too would most easily inflict grave losses upon
the enemy, if only he should make his attack upon them with a
small force. He therefore sent five hundred horsemen, commanding
them to go close to the fortifications, and to make a
demonstration against the whole army of the enemy of the very
same tactics as had time and again been used against them, to
their sorrow, by small bands of the foe. And so, when they came
to a high place not far from the city, but just beyond the range
of missiles, they took their stand there. But Belisarius selected a thousand men,
putting Bessas in command, and ordered them to engage with the
enemy. And this force, by forming a circle around the enemy and
always shooting at them from behind, killed a large number, and
by pressing hard upon the rest compelled them to descend into the
plain. There a hand-to-hand battle took place between forces not
evenly matched in strength, and most of the Goths were destroyed,
though some few with difficulty [259]made their escape and
returned to their own camp. And Vittigis reviled these men,
insisting that cowardice had been the cause of their defeat, and
undertaking to find another set of men to retrieve the loss after
no long time, he remained quiet for the present; but three days
later he selected men from all the camps, five hundred in number,
and bade them make a display of valorous deeds against the enemy.
Now as soon as
Belisarius saw that these men had come rather near, he sent out
against them fifteen hundred men under the commanders Martinus
and Valerian. And a
cavalry battle taking place immediately, the Romans, being
greatly superior to the enemy in numbers, routed them without any
trouble and destroyed practically all of them.
And to the enemy it seemed in every way a dreadful thing and a
proof that fortune stood against them, if, when they were many
and the enemy who came against them were few, they were defeated,
and when, on the other hand, they in turn went in small numbers
against their enemy, they were likewise destroyed. Belisarius, however, received a
public vote of praise from the Romans for his wisdom, at which
they not unnaturally marvelled greatly, but in private his
friends asked him on what he had based his judgment on that day
when he had escaped from the enemy after being so completely
defeated,[136] and why he had been confident that he would
overcome them decisively in the war. And he said that in engaging with them at the
first with only a few men he had noticed just what the difference
was between the two armies, so [261]that if he should fight
his battles with them with a force which was in strength
proportionate to theirs,[137] the multitudes of the enemy could inflict no
injury upon the Romans by reason of the smallness of their
numbers. And the
difference was this, that practically all the Romans and their
allies, the Huns, are good mounted bowmen, but not a man among
the Goths has had practice in this branch, for their horsemen are
accustomed to use only spears and swords, while their bowmen
enter battle on foot and under cover of the heavy-armed men. So
the horsemen, unless the engagement is at close quarters, have no
means of defending themselves against opponents who use the bow,
and therefore can easily be reached by the arrows and destroyed;
and as for the foot-soldiers, they can never be strong enough to
make sallies against men on horseback. It was for these reasons,
Belisarius declared, that the barbarians had been defeated by the
Romans in these last engagements. And the Goths, remembering the
unexpected outcome of their own experiences, desisted thereafter
from assaulting the fortifications of Rome in small numbers and
also from pursuing the enemy when harassed by them, except only
so far as to drive them back from their own camps.
FOOTNOTES:
[134]
i.e. Slavonians, described in Book VI. xxvi. and Book VII.
xiv. ff.
[135] A Slavic
people, described in Book VII. xiv.
[136]
Referring to the battle described in chap. xviii.
[137]
i.e. smaller, but equal in strength.
XXVIII
But later on the
Romans, elated by the good fortune they had already enjoyed, were
with one accord eager to do battle with the whole Gothic army and
thought that they should make war in the open field.[263]
Belisarius, however,
considering that the difference in size of the two armies was
still very great, continued to be reluctant to risk a decisive
battle with his whole army; and so he busied himself still more
with his sallies and kept planning them against the enemy.
But when at last he
yielded his point because of the abuse heaped upon him by the
army and the Romans in general, though he was willing to fight
with the whole army, yet nevertheless he wished to open the
engagement by a sudden sally. And many times he was frustrated
when he was on the point of doing this, and was compelled to put
off the attack to the following day, because he found to his
surprise that the enemy had been previously informed by deserters
as to what was to be done and were unexpectedly ready for him.
For this reason, then, he was now willing to fight a decisive
battle even in the open field, and the barbarians gladly came
forth for the encounter. And when both sides had been made ready for the
conflict as well as might be, Belisarius gathered his whole army
and exhorted them as follows:
"It is not because I detected any cowardice on your part,
fellow-soldiers, nor because I was terrified at the strength of
the enemy, that I have shrunk from the engagement with them, but
I saw that while we were carrying on the war by making sudden
sallies matters stood well with us, and consequently I thought
that we ought to adhere permanently to the tactics which were
responsible for our success. For I think that when one's present
affairs are going to one's satisfaction, it is inexpedient to
change to another course of action. But since I see that you are
eager for this danger, I am filled with con[265]fidence and shall never oppose your
ardour. For I know that the greatest factor in the decision of
war is always the attitude of the fighting men, and it is
generally by their enthusiasm that successes are won. Now,
therefore, the fact that a few men drawn up for battle with
valour on their side are able to overcome a multitude of the
enemy, is well known by every man of you, not by hearsay, but by
daily experience of fighting. And it will rest with you not to
bring shame upon the former glories of my career as general, nor
upon the hope which this enthusiasm of yours inspires. For the
whole of what has already been accomplished by us in this war
must of necessity be judged in accordance with the issue of the
present day. And I see that the present moment is also in our
favour, for it will, in all probability, make it easier for us to
gain the mastery over the enemy, because their spirit has been
enslaved by what has gone before. For when men have often met
with misfortune, their hearts are no longer wont to thrill even
slightly with manly valour. And let no one of you spare horse or
bow or any weapon. For I will immediately provide you with others
in place of all that are destroyed in the battle."
After speaking
these words of exhortation, Belisarius led out his army through
the small Pincian Gate and the Salarian Gate, and commanded some
few men to go through the Aurelian Gate into the Plain of Nero.
These he put under the
command of Valentinus, a commander of a cavalry detachment, and
he directed him not to begin any fighting, or to go too close to
the camp of the enemy, but constantly to give the appearance of
being [267]about to attack immediately, so that
none of the enemy in that quarter might be able to cross the
neighbouring bridge and come to the assistance of the soldiers
from the other camps. For since, as I have previously stated,[138] the barbarians
encamped in the Plain of Nero were many, it seemed to him
sufficient if these should all be prevented from taking part in
the engagement and be kept separated from the rest of the army.
And when some of the
Roman populace took up arms and followed as volunteers, he would
not allow them to be drawn up for battle along with the regular
troops, fearing lest, when they came to actual fighting, they
should become terrified at the danger and throw the entire army
into confusion, since they were labouring men and altogether
unpractised in war. But outside the Pancratian Gate, which is
beyond the Tiber River, he ordered them to form a phalanx and
remain quiet until he himself should give the signal, reasoning,
as actually proved to be the case, that if the enemy in the Plain
of Nero should see both them and the men under Valentinus, they
would never dare leave their camp and enter battle with the rest
of the Gothic army against his own forces. And he considered it a
stroke of good luck and a very important advantage that such a
large number of men should be kept apart from the army of his
opponents.
Such being the
situation, he wished on that day to engage in a cavalry battle
only; and indeed most of the regular infantry were now unwilling
to remain in their accustomed condition, but, since they had
captured horses as booty from the enemy and had become not
unpractised in horsemanship, they were [269]now
mounted. And since the infantry were few in number and unable
even to make a phalanx of any consequence, and had never had the
courage to engage with the barbarians, but always turned to
flight at the first onset, he considered it unsafe to draw them
up at a distance from the fortifications, but thought it best
that they should remain in position where they were, close by the
moat, his purpose being that, if it should so happen that the
Roman horsemen were routed, they should be able to receive the
fugitives and, as a fresh body of men, help them to ward off the
enemy.
But there were two
men among his bodyguards, a certain Principius, who was a man of
note and a Pisidian by birth, and Tarmutus, an Isaurian, brother
of Ennes who was commander of the Isaurians. These men came
before Belisarius and spoke as follows: "Most excellent of
generals, we beg you neither to decide that your army, small as
it is and about to fight with many tens of thousands of
barbarians, be cut off from the phalanx of the infantry, nor to
think that one ought to treat with contumely the infantry of the
Romans, by means of which, as we hear, the power of the ancient
Romans was brought to its present greatness. For if it so happens
that they have done nothing of consequence in this war, this is
no evidence of the cowardice of the soldiers, but it is the
commanders of the infantry who would justly bear the blame, for
they alone ride on horseback in the battle-line and are not
willing to consider the fortunes of war as shared by all, but as
a general thing each one of them by himself takes to flight
before the struggle begins. But do you keep all the commanders of
[271]infantry, since you see that they have
become cavalry and that they are quite unwilling to take their
stand beside their subordinates, and include them with the rest
of the cavalry and so enter this battle, but permit us to lead
the infantry into the combat. For since we also are unmounted, as
are these troops, we shall do our part in helping them to support
the attack of the multitude of barbarians, full of hope that we
shall inflict upon the enemy whatever chastisement God shall
permit."
When Belisarius heard this request, at first he did not assent
to it; for he was exceedingly fond of these two men, who were
fighters of marked excellence, and he was unwilling to have a
small body of infantry take such a risk. But finally, overborne
by the eagerness of the men, he consented to leave only a small
number of their soldiers, in company with the Roman populace, to
man the gates and the battlement along the top of the wall where
the engines of war were, and to put the rest under command of
Principius and Tarmutus, ordering them to take position in the
rear in regular formation. His purpose in this was, in the first place, to
keep these troops from throwing the rest of the army into
confusion if they themselves should become panic-stricken at the
danger, and, in the second place, in case any division of the
cavalry should be routed at any time, to prevent the retreat from
extending to an indefinite distance, but to allow the cavalry
simply to fall back upon the infantry and make it possible for
them, with the infantry's help, to ward off the
pursuers.[273]
FOOTNOTE:
[138] Chap.
xix. 12, xiii.
15.
XXIX
In this fashion the
Romans had made their preparations for the encounter. As for
Vittigis, he had armed all the Goths, leaving not a man behind in
the camps, except those unfit for fighting. And he commanded the men under Marcias to
remain in the Plain of Nero, and to attend to the guarding of the
bridge, that the enemy might not attack his men from that
direction. He himself then
called together the rest of the army and spoke as follows:
"It may perhaps seem to some of you that I am fearful about my
sovereignty, and that this is the motive which has led me, in the
past, to shew a friendly spirit toward you and, on the present
occasion, to address you with seductive words in order to inspire
you with courage. And such reasoning is not out of accord with
the ways of men. For unenlightened men are accustomed to shew
gentleness toward those whom they want to make use of, even
though these happen to be in a much humbler station than they,
but to be difficult of access to others whose assistance they do
not desire. As for me, however, I care neither for the end of
life nor for the loss of power. Nay, I should even pray that I
might put off this purple to-day, if a Goth were to put it on.
And I have always regarded
the end of Theodatus as one of the most fortunate, in that he was
privileged to lose both his sovereignty and his life at the hands
of men of his own nation. For a calamity which falls upon an
individual without involving his nation also in destruction does
not lack an element of consolation, in the view, at least, of men
who are not wanting in [275]wisdom. But when I reflect upon the fate of the Vandals
and the end of Gelimer, the thoughts which come to my mind are of
no ordinary kind; nay, I seem to see the Goths and their children
reduced to slavery, your wives ministering in the most shameful
of all ways to the most hateful of men, and myself and the
granddaughter[139] of Theoderic led wherever it suits the
pleasure of those who are now our enemies; and I would have you
also enter this battle fearing lest this fate befall us. For if
you do this, on the field of battle you will count the end of
life as more to be desired than safety after defeat. For noble
men consider that there is only one misfortune—to survive
defeat at the hands of their enemy. But as for death, and
especially death which comes quickly, it always brings happiness
to those who were before not blest by fortune. It is very clear that if you keep
these thoughts in mind as you go through the present engagement,
you will not only conquer your opponents most easily, few as they
are and Greeks,[140] but will also punish them forthwith for the
injustice and insolence with which they, without provocation,
have treated us. For although we boast that we are their
superiors in valour, in numbers, and in every other respect, the
boldness which they feel in confronting us is due merely to
elation at our misfortunes; and the only asset they have is the
indifference we have shewn. For their self-confidence is fed by
their undeserved good fortune."
With these words of
exhortation Vittigis proceeded to array his army for battle,
stationing the infantry in the centre and the cavalry on the two
wings. He did not, however, draw up his phalanx far from the
[277]camps, but very near them, in order
that, as soon as the rout should take place, the enemy might
easily be overtaken and killed, there being abundance of room for
the pursuit. For he expected that if the struggle should become a
pitched battle in the plain, they would not withstand him even a
short time; since he judged by the great disparity of numbers
that the army of the enemy was no match for his own.
So the soldiers on both sides, beginning in the early morning,
opened battle; and Vittigis and Belisarius were in the rear
urging on both armies and inciting them to fortitude. And at
first the Roman arms prevailed, and the barbarians kept falling
in great numbers before their archery, but no pursuit of them was
made. For since the Gothic cavalry stood in dense masses, other
men very easily stepped into the places of those who were killed,
and so the loss of those who fell among them was in no way
apparent. And the Romans evidently were satisfied, in view of
their very small number, that the struggle should have such a
result for them. So after they had by midday carried the battle
as far as the camps of their opponents, and had already slain
many of the enemy, they were anxious to return to the city if any
pretext should present itself to them. In this part of the action three among the Romans
proved themselves brave men above all others, Athenodorus, an
Isaurian, a man of fair fame among the guards of Belisarius, and
Theodoriscus and George, spearmen of Martinus and Cappadocians by
birth. For they constantly
kept going out beyond the front of the phalanx, and there
[279]despatched many of the barbarians with
their spears. Such was the course of events here.
But in the Plain of
Nero the two armies remained for a long time facing one another,
and the Moors, by making constant sallies and hurling their
javelins among the enemy, kept harrying the Goths. For the Goths were quite unwilling
to go out against them through fear of the forces of the Roman
populace which were not far away, thinking, of course, that they
were soldiers and were remaining quiet because they had in mind
some sort of an ambush against themselves with the object of
getting in their rear, exposing them to attack on both sides, and
thus destroying them. But when it was now the middle of the day,
the Roman army suddenly made a rush against the enemy, and the
Goths were unexpectedly routed, being paralyzed by the suddenness
of the attack. And they did not succeed even in fleeing to their
camp, but climbed the hills near by and remained quiet. Now the Romans, though many in
number, were not all soldiers, but were for the most part a
throng of men without defensive armour. For inasmuch as the general was elsewhere, many
sailors and servants in the Roman camp, in their eagerness to
have a share in the war, mingled with that part of the army. And
although by their mere numbers they did fill the barbarians with
consternation and turn them to flight, as has been said, yet by
reason of their lack of order they lost the day for the Romans.
For the intermixture of
the above-mentioned men caused the soldiers to be thrown into
great disorder, and although Valentinus kept constantly shouting
orders to them, they could not hear his commands at all. For this
reason they did not even follow up the [281]fugitives or kill a man, but allowed
them to stand at rest on the hills and in security to view what
was going on. Nor did they take thought to destroy the bridge
there, and thus prevent the city from being afterwards besieged
on both sides; for, had they done so, the barbarians would have
been unable to encamp any longer on the farther side of the Tiber
River. Furthermore, they did not even cross the bridge and get in
the rear of their opponents who were fighting there with the
troops of Belisarius. And if this had been done, the Goths, I
think, would no longer have thought of resistance, but they would
have turned instantly to flight, each man as he could. But as it
was, they took possession of the enemy's camp and turned to
plundering his goods, and they set to work carrying thence many
vessels of silver and many other valuables. Meanwhile the
barbarians for some time remained quietly where they were and
observed what was going on, but finally by common consent they
advanced against their opponents with great fury and shouting.
And finding men in complete disorder engaged in plundering their
property, they slew many and quickly drove out the rest. For all
who were caught inside the camp and escaped slaughter were glad
to cast their plunder from their shoulders and take to
flight.
While these things were taking place in the Plain of Nero,
meantime the rest of the barbarian army stayed very near their
camps and, protecting themselves with their shields, vigorously
warded off their opponents, destroying many men and a much larger
number of horses. But on the Roman side, when those who had been
wounded and those whose horses had [283]been killed left the
ranks, then, in an army which had been small even before, the
smallness of their numbers was still more evident, and the
difference between them and the Gothic host was manifestly great.
Finally the horsemen of the barbarians who were on the right
wing, taking note of this, advanced at a gallop against the enemy
opposite them. And the Romans there, unable to withstand their
spears, rushed off in flight and came to the infantry phalanx.
However, the infantry also were unable to hold their ground
against the oncoming horsemen, and most of them began to join the
cavalry in flight. And immediately the rest of the Roman army
also began to retire, the enemy pressing upon their heels, and
the rout became decisive. But Principius and Tarmutus with some few of the
infantry of their command made a display of valorous deeds
against the Goths. For as
they continued to fight and disdained to turn to flight with the
others, most of the Goths were so amazed that they halted. And
consequently the rest of the infantry and most of the horsemen
made their escape in greater security. Now Principius fell where he stood, his whole
body hacked to pieces, and around him fell forty-two
foot-soldiers. But
Tarmutus, holding two Isaurian javelins, one in each hand,
continued to thrust them into his assailants as he turned from
side to side, until, finally, he desisted because his body was
covered with wounds; but when his brother Ennes came to the
rescue with a detachment of cavalry, he revived, and running
swiftly, covered as he was with gore and wounds, he made for the
fortifications without throwing down either of his javelins.
And being fleet of foot by
[285]nature, he succeeded in making his
escape, in spite of the plight of his body, and did not fall
until he had just reached the Pincian Gate. And some of his
comrades, supposing him to be dead, lifted him on a shield and
carried him. But he lived
on two days before he died, leaving a high reputation both among
the Isaurians and in the rest of the army.
The Romans, meanwhile, being by now thoroughly frightened,
attended to the guarding of the wall, and shutting the gates they
refused, in their great excitement, to receive the fugitives into
the city, fearing that the enemy would rush in with them. And
such of the fugitives as had not already got inside the
fortifications, crossed the moat, and standing with their backs
braced against the wall were trembling with fear, and stood there
forgetful of all valour and utterly unable to ward off the
barbarians, although they were pressing upon them and were about
to cross the moat to attack them. And the reason was that most of
them had lost their spears, which had been broken in the
engagement and during the flight, and they were not able to use
their bows because they were huddled so closely together. Now so
long as not many defenders were seen at the battlement, the Goths
kept pressing on, having hopes of destroying all those who had
been shut out and of overpowering the men who held the
circuit-wall. But when they saw a very great number both of
soldiers and of the Roman populace at the battlements defending
the wall, they immediately abandoned their purpose and rode off
thence to the rear, heaping much abuse upon their opponents. And
the battle, having begun at the camps of the barbarians, ended at
the moat and the wall of the city.[287]
FOOTNOTES:
[139]
Matasuntha.
[140] Cf. Book
IV. xxvii. 38, note.
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Book 3 | Book 4 |
Book 5 | Book
6